The Growth of Prussia

THE GROWTH OF PRUSSIA After the restoration of peace the German Governments en deavoured to restore absolutism as far as possible and to efface the effects of the French Revolution : in this Austria took the lead. Prince Metternich who, as chancellor, was the leader of Austria, was the real exponent of reactionary principles. In his eyes the maintenance of monarchical authority was essential to political stability. He was therefore an enemy to all liberal and democratic ideas. Moreover in the conception of nationality he perceived a present danger to the stability of Austro-Hungary. At the moment of his accession to power the various peoples in the Danubian monarchy were striving for autonomy and even questioning the further existence of the Habsburg rule. A man of unusual ability, great diplomatic skill and inflexible will power, Metternich was able to persuade the other princes to accept his ideas. His pro gramme was indeed, purely negative and ultimately amounted to no more than the retention of existing institutions no matter how outworn they might be.

Reaction.

Prussia had no cause to oppose national and liberal claims. But Frederick William's dislike for everything that re minded him of Jacobinism made him willing to listen to Metter nich's proposals. Then, too, there was the instinctive dislike of the nobility living east of the Elbe, with whom the Prussian kingdom was in very close relations, to every concession to liberalism. Only the desperate state of affairs after the Prussian defeat at Jena had induced the king and the nobles to allow reforms to be introduced into the political life of the State. For these reforms Harden berg and Stein had fought with the object of interesting the nation in public affairs and securing their co-operation in the work of gov ernment. Once the danger had passed, the reforms fell into abey ance. The freedom accorded to the peasants and the autonomy granted to the towns did, indeed, remain, but the idea of complet ing the work through the introduction of autonomy into the provincial administrations and through the creation of a popular representation, as had been intended by Stein, was bitterly opposed by the king, and Hardenberg was too old and too yielding to oppose him energetically. But the reforms that had been effected in the very foundations of the Prussian State had introduced an element of liberty that was capable of further development. On the out break of the War of Liberation the king had pledged his word that for the future he would not raise new taxes nor loans without the assent of the estates. The natural result of his promise would have been to revive the diet. Hardenberg indeed sought to revive it, but the king invariably postponed the fulfilment of his request, and, after Hardenberg's death, the influence of Metternich was so strong that the idea was wholly abandoned; it was considered sufficient to create in 1823 provincial diets in each individual province of the monarchy, who however, could deal only with provincial affairs and whose deliberations might not be published. By rigid economy, the king was up to the time of his death able to avoid the necessity for new taxes or loans and thus evade the fulfilment of his promise.

A complete return to absolutism in the South German states, where many institutions from France had been introduced in the days of the Confederation of the Rhine, appeared impossible. Bavaria and Baden received constitutions in 1818, and Wurttem berg in 1819. A general assembly had been instituted consisting of two chambers; the first chamber was mainly composed of the royal princes and great territorial nobility; the second chamber too, was on a very restricted franchise based on a tax qualification favouring the owners of landed estates, the lower classes in the community thus being wholly unrepresented. The assent of the diet was necessary in future for all legislation, yet this assent was only required for the imposition of new taxes whilst existing taxes continued to be levied without special consent. It had, therefore, only limited control of the budget. The ministers depended solely upon the pleasure of the king and could only be impeached in cases where it was proved that an infringement of the constitution had taken place. Similar constitutions were introduced in Nassau and Saxe-Weimar. But in the remaining German states absolutism prevailed.

The great German States were displeased with what they re garded as too far-reaching concessions on the part of the South German princes. They seized the opportunity presented to them by the manifestation of liberal tendencies at the festival on the Wartburg at which the German students celebrated the tercen tenary of the Reformation (181 7) and the murder of the Russian spy and popular novelist Kotzebue, to summon the representatives of the greater German States to a conference at Carlsbad for the purpose of consulting upon new measures against the revolution ary spirit manifested in these occurrences. This resulted in the Carlsbad Decrees establishing a censorship of books and news papers and a drastic supervision of the universities. The decrees were adopted by the diet under pressure from the greater States, and a resolution passed declaring that no German prince had the right to make concessions to his subjects that involved an infringe ment of his sovereignty. These decrees were also embodied in the final Act of the Vienna Congress in 182o and thereby became a fundamental law of the German Confederation. At the same time a central commission was set up in Mainz to detect and suppress all democratic movements.

In foreign policy Prussia and Austria were also of one mind in the following years. Their object was to support the cause of established authority throughout the world and to combat the further dissemination of revolutionary ideas. In this they were in full agreement with the Tsar Alexander, and in the Holy Alliance (q.v. ), which was concluded in 1815 between the rulers of Austria, Prussia and Russia, their ideas were given very clear expression. The allied powers made common cause against the revolutionary movements in Italy and Spain, and at the congresses held at Aix la-Chapelle, Troppau, Laibach and Verona (1818-23 qq.v.) the measures to be taken were discussed and determined. Only when differences of opinion arose between Austria and Russia at the time of the Greek revolt against Turkey, was the Holy Alliance loosened and ultimately dissolved ; and for long afterwards its renewal was one of the basic principles of the policy pursued by the rulers of the three Eastern Powers.

1830.

For a decade after 1815 Germany enjoyed outward peace and internal order. Those elements which were striving for a more liberal form of constitution and stronger national unity did not dare openly to reveal their aims oppressed as they were by police supervision and continual persecution. After the great upheaval of the War of Liberation the mass of the population sank back into their old indifference. Even the July Revolution of 1830 in Paris had no important effect in Germany. The sole result of the small risings that broke out here and there throughout the country was the introduction of constitutional government in a few more of the small States. Saxony, Hanover and the electorate of Hesse received constitutions that differed but little from those already in operation in the South German States. Duke Charles of Brunswick, who was a violent despot, was driven out of his do minions, and his brother William became duke in his stead. Both the great German Powers remained undisturbed by the agitation, and under their influence the Bundestag at Frankfurt laid upon the individual States the duty of supporting each other against re bellious movements, and decreed that no Landtag had the right to refuse taxes to the ruler. Political associations and meetings were forbidden, the police system further developed, and the freedom of the Press still more curtailed. No printed matter of less than 20 pages could be published without the permission of the police. When the elector of Hesse withdrew the constitution which had recently been granted the Bundestag, to which the Hessian diet had appealed for protection, refused to intervene against this flagrant infringement of an established right by a German prince. A similar situation arose a few years later in Hanover. After the death of William IV. of England (1837), the personal union be tween Hanover and England was dissolved in consequence of the existence of a different law of succession in each kingdom. Whilst William was succeeded upon the throne of England by his niece Victoria, his successor in Hanover was his brother Ernest Augus tus. The latter arbitrarily set aside the constitution granted by his brother and introduced another which gave to the Landtag con siderably restricted powers. When seven professors of the uni versity of Gottingen refused to take the oath to the new constitu tion because they deemed themselves bound by their oath to the former, they were deprived of their professorships. Against all these violations of the law no protection was to be found in the Bundestag. The increasing bitterness of the population did indeed find expression from time to time in speeches like those held on the occasion of the Hambacher Festival in 1832 and in the quickly suppressed rising at Frankfurt against the Bundestag (1833). The only result of these unsuccessful efforts at revolt was the tightening up of police supervision ; they did nothing to remedy the state of affairs.

While thus political affairs were in a state of complete paralysis, in intellectual life new forces were beginning to appear and found expression in the writings of the so-called "Young Germany" group. Heine, Borne, Gutzkow, and Laube were the literary protagonists of the younger generation who demanded greater in tellectual and political liberty. Their writings, which were con demned by the Bundestag as dangerous to the State, nevertheless enjoyed a wide circulation and influenced to a steadily increasing degree the ideas of the educated classes. A new energy also be came manifest in the sphere of economics, and a great step ward was taken with the founding of the German Zollverein in 1834.

The Zollverein.

By the Customs Law of 1818 Prussia had already removed the customs tariff between the individual pro vinces ; stopped the levying of taxes on the frontier ; introduced a simple system of calculation based on the weight, and, finally, had removed or lowered the customs duties on many classes of goods. The inclusion within the Prussian State of many small political entities rendered it impossible to achieve a rational organization of the customs service unless these entities accepted that system. This was first done by Schwarzburg and Anhalt; but in 1828 one of the greater States, Hesse-Darmstadt, joined the system. Hesse Darmstadt adopted the Prussian customs tariff ; the revenue was to be paid into a common treasury and subsequently divided be tween the two States in proportion to their respective populations. Shortly afterwards Bavaria and Wurttemberg entered into a cus toms union. Prussia entered into negotiations with them also and the central German States, fearing that an agreement between North and South Germany would be reached over their heads, felt compelled to join the union. After Jan. 1, 1834, with the exception of Austria, Hanover, Oldenburg and the three Hansa cities, Germany formed an economic entity. Internal communica tion was thereby immensely simplified; the price of goods lowered and a greater uniformity in prices achieved ; and consumption and production stimulated. The introduction of a uniform system of weights, measures and currency was the natural consequence of this customs union. At first the establishment of the customs union exercised no important influence on political life. The States that formed the union under the leadership of Prussia felt no obligation to unite themselves with her in political questions. The existence of the customs union did not prevent the eco nomically allied States in 1848 and 1866 from engaging in political and military strife with one another, and it was not until later that Bismarck was able to utilize the union for the furtherance of his schemes for national unity. Yet it was not without importance for the future overcoming of provincial differences that from this time forward at least a greater part of Germany formed an eco nomic entity. The desire to form the German States again into a political entity was confined to the intellectual leaders of the middle classes and only occasionally found literary expression. In this connection the most important publication was Brie f weclisel zweier Deutscher by Paul Pfizer of Wurttemberg (1831) in which, for the first time, expression was given by a South Ger man to the belief that such a union could only be initiated by Prussia, since Austria had ever since the Reformation been so estranged from German life and thought she was no longer in a position to become the leading power in Germany.

Frederick William IV.—In view of the predominating influ ence which Austria and Prussia possessed over Germany's destiny, it was of great importance for future developments that in both States there occurred, at this time, a change of rulers. On March 2, 1835, the Emperor Francis I. of Austria died, and was suc ceeded by his mentally feeble son Ferdinand. The actual Govern ment was carried on by a state council composed of the brother and uncle of the emperor together with Prince Metternich and count Kolowrat. As Metternich remained the guiding spirit of the administration, little real change took place in the policy of Austria. Of far greater importance was the change of ruler in Prussia. Frederick William III. died on June 7, 1840, after a reign of 43 years. He was succeeded by his eldest son Frederick William IV. who was then 45 years old. A man of unusual ability and many-sided interests, he was both a brilliant orator and an original thinker; but he was less suited to the practical duties of a statesman. Frederick William IV. was steeped in the spirit of that romanticism which in his youth had played the leading role in the intellectual life of Germany. As a fervent Christian, he regarded the execution of his kingly office as a religious duty, and believed it to be his duty to make the principles of Christian ity a factor in politics. He regarded himself as the divinely ap pointed father and guardian of his people, and he saw in the desires and ideals of democracy and liberalism a revolt against God; an attempt on the part of mankind to substitute human intelligence for the divine laws as the highest guiding principle in the settlement of all national problems. His ideal was the old German Standestaat. He hated France as a source of godless revolutionary ideas, and considered that in foreign policy also the conservative States based on the old divinely appointed order must hold together in opposing revolutionary tendencies. He was indeed the embodiment of the basic principles of the Holy Alli ance of 1815. He desired it is true to introduce certain reforms into Germany, for he sympathized with the national currents of feeling and wished to satisfy them; but even in this the existing order must be maintained in principle. Any diminution of the sovereign rights of the German princes seemed in his eyes to be a blow directed against the divine principle of legitimacy, and he hoped to achieve the necessary unity by means of voluntary co operation on the part of the princes, under the moral leadership of Austria and Prussia.

His attempt to organize Prussia in accordance with his ideals culminated in the summoning of a national parliament (1847). The members of all the provincial diets were to assemble at Berlin in order to deliberate with the king on affairs of State, when called upon by him to do so. The final decision of all matters remained in the King's hands, and the Landtag was to have no definite rights nor any claim to be summoned at any regular intervals. In the speech from the throne with which Frederick William IV. opened the deliberations he declared that no power on earth would induce him in any circumstances to change the natural rela tion between prince and people into a conventional and constitu tional one and he would never consent that "a written document should, like a second Providence, intervene between God in Heaven and this land, to rule us with its paragraphs and replace our ancient holy loyalty." The Landtag, however, refused to play this role. When the King desired its consent to a loan for the construction of a railway between Berlin and Konigsberg, the Landtag declared that, in accordance with the promise made by the late king, the true diets must be summoned for this purpose. It did not regard itself as the true diet because it had never been given the right to be summoned periodically. A number of repre sentatives of the middle classes in the Rhineland like Hansemann, Camphausen, Mevissen and Beckerath came into prominence in the Landtag as the spokesmen of liberal aspirations. As the king refused to yield to these demands the assembly was dissolved with out coming to any definite conclusion.

The First Political Parties.—Whilst Frederick William's political experiments in Prussia were unsuccessful a strong politi cal agitation arose throughout Germany. The relaxation of the censorship had led to the strengthening of the desire for a freer political order and a closer alliance of the German States. In the parliaments of the individual States also these desires found vigor ous expression. Political parties were gradually formed uniting groups of similar views in the different States. It is true that they still lacked organization and a definite aim. When in 1840 the international tension rendered the outbreak of war between France and the German great Powers a possibility, a strong national feel ing was aroused in the people. This again made itself manifest in 1846 when the king of Denmark sought to include the German inhabitants of Schleswig and Holstein within the frontiers of the Danish State. The diets of Holstein, which was a member of the German Confederation, appealed for help to the Bundestag at Frankfurt. The Bundestag, however, contented itself with an ex pression of its belief that the king of Denmark would respect the rights of the Confederation and of the Holstein diets. It was everywhere felt that this supreme organ of the Confederation was not really capable of representing threatened German interests.

Feeling was further excited by the appearance of new revolu tionary movements in France, Italy and Switzerland. In Sept. 1847 the leaders of the democratic groups in the various German States met at Offenburg and drew up a programme of which the chief points were : entire liberty of thought and association; uni versal and equal suffrage ; disbandment of the standing army and the introduction of a militia ; a progressive income tax; trial by jury in all cases of offences against the Press laws; abolition of all class privileges; comfort, education for all; equalization of the disproportionate conditions existing between capital and labour; ministerial responsibility and the assembling of a German parlia ment. Behind, and inspiring the entire programme, lay the ideal of a German united republic. In October the leaders of the moder ate Liberals held a conference in Heppenheim at which they also demanded freedom of the Press, abolition of the feudal burdens, wider autonomy, an improvement in the system of taxation, and a closer union of the German States. The liberal ideal was the establishment of a constitutional federal state with monarchical rule in the individual States which should also be administered constitutionally. In Feb. 1848, in the diets of Baden and Hesse, the liberal representatives Bassermann and Heinrich von Gagern proposed the summoning of a German Parliament.

The Revolution of 1848.—Feeling was thus already excited in Germany at the moment when the news arrived of the success of the February Revolution in Paris and gave the signal for action in Germany. The movement first affected the smaller states in south-western Germany. Rioting broke out everywhere, and the Governments, taken by surprise, at once yielded to the demands which were put forward by the people's assemblies. They ap pointed liberal ministers and promised freedom of the Press and a constitution. Within a few weeks the old ministries had been overthrown in Baden, Wurttemberg, Bavaria, Hanover, Brunswick, Hesse, Nassau, Thuringia and Saxony, and a new order seemed about to begin. A conference of the Liberals met at Heidelberg on March 5, and demanded the immediate convocation of a Ger man parliament. The terrified Bundestag agreed to this demand and requested the German governments to send trustworthy councillors to Frankfurt to draft a constitution for Germany. The success thus achieved, however, could only prove of more than temporary character in the event of the overthrow of the old order in both the great German States.

In Vienna the Government did not dare to put up any real opposition to the demands of a population which was daily becom ing more incensed. Metternich was forced to resign and leave Vienna. A national guard was organized and the summoning of a Reichstag conceded (March 13 ). The Hungarians, Bohemians, Southern Slays and Italians in Lombardy and Venetia, simulta neously demanded autonomy and the granting of constitutions for their provinces. It seemed as though the Danubian monarchy was about to be broken up into a series of separate states.

On the approach of the revolution Frederick William IV. had sought to pacify his subjects by certain concessions. By the decree of March 14, he once more summoned the united Landtag, to which he now conceded the right of periodic assembly, and announced his readiness to collaborate in reconstructing the Ger man Confederation. He hoped thereby not only to retain his own position, but to be able to support the other States in combating the spread of revolutionary ideas. But with the arrival in Berlin of the news of the occurrences in Vienna open revolt broke out. Although the troops were victorious in the street-fighting of March 18, the self-confidence and determination of the king was shattered by the unexpected conduct of his "dear Berliners." At the request of a deputation ,which promised to remove the barricades, the king ordered the troops to evacuate their position thereby at once losing control of the situation so completely that the troops, which had at first been concentrated on the square in front of the palace, retired to their barracks. The moment the troops disappeared a vast throng of people advanced before the palace, bearing with them the bodies of those killed in the defence of the barricades, and forced the king to uncover before the corpses. A citizen guard was then organized, and assumed sentry duty in the palace, while the troops received orders to retire from Berlin.

Thus the Revolution triumphed in Berlin also. The king prom

ised to grant a constitution to Prussia to be drawn up by a Na tional Assembly. On March 21, displaying the black-red-gold colours, the King went in procession through Berlin and an nounced that in these critical days he would assume the leadership of the German people and that Prussia in future would become part of Germany. The King himself never thought to strive in alliance with the Revolution for the overthrow of the individual States or their subjection to Prussia. But he had let himself be swept away by the tide of popular feeling and, from the moment he regained in some measure his self-confidence, he sought to avoid the consequences arising out of the concessions he had made in a time of excitement and danger. The new liberal ministry was headed by Camphausen, who had been one of the leaders of the opposition in the united Landtag.

The fall of the old regime in the separate States was to be fol lowed by a political re-organization of Germany. A preliminary parliament met at Frankfurt and again demanded that a German National Assembly should be elected on a universal suffrage for the purpose of determining the future constitution of Germany. The Bundestag hastened to organize the elections, but, as the demo cratic leaders in South Germany feared lest in the new parliament the moderate Liberals would be in the majority, they attempted to bring about the immediate establishment of a German republic by means of a great upheaval of the masses. Their attempt met with little support, and the volunteer bands of peasants that they !, had assembled were easily dispersed by the troops of the South German Governments.

The Frankfurt Parliament.

With the failure of the Govern ments in the course of the ensuing weeks to come to an agreement on the re-organization of Germany, the German parliament which assembled on May 18, in the church of St. Paul in Frankfurt was given the task of determining the basic principles of a German constitution. Heinrich von Gagern was elected president, and he induced the assembly on June 24, to set up a provisional central authority for Germany with an imperial regent (Reichsverweser) elected by parliament. The parliament elected archduke John of Austria, an uncle of the Emperor Ferdinand, whose election was recognized by the Governments. The Bundestag now declared that its work had come to an end, and demanded that its authority should be handed over to the regent. He, however, was never able to establish any real Government. His attempt to place the troops of the separate states under his command was defeated. In foreign politics, the two great German Powers refused to be in fluenced by Frankfurt ; this was most clearly seen in the Schles wig-Holstein Question (q.v.).

In

March 1848 Frederick VII. of Denmark attempted to in clude the whole of Schleswig within his kingdom. The inhabitants of Schleswig-Holstein protested against such a violation of their traditional rights and at the outset found support in Prussia and the National Assembly at Frankfurt. The Prussian general Wrangel, who was appointed to the chief command of the army of the Confederation, occupied Schleswig-Holstein and advanced into Jutland. But when England and Russia seemed ready to support Denmark, Frederick William IV., who had long had scruples about supporting revolutionary subjects against their legitimate sovereign, entered into negotiations with Denmark, without consulting the Frankfurt government, and signed the Treaty of Malmo (Aug. 26). By this treaty, it was agreed that the duchies should be evacuated by both German and Danish troops and the administration provisionally entrusted to a mixed commission of Germans and Danes.

The majority of the National Assembly were disposed to criticize sharply Prussia's arbitrary action ; they determined to invalidate all measures taken in the execution of the treaty. When, however, the Frankfurt ministry found itself unable to bring Prussia to heel, the minister-president, prince von Leiningen, re signed and was succeeded by the Austrian, von Schmerling. The national assembly was finally compelled to ratify the Treaty of Malmo because a breach with Prussia would have rendered the drafting of a constitution impossible. The attitude of the national assembly was taken by the democrats for weakness. They organ ized a rebellion in Frankfurt. The ministers and the national assembly summoned to its aid the Austrian and Prussian troops from the federal fortress of Mainz. After fierce street fighting in the course of which two members of the assembly lost their lives, the troops crushed the rising (Sept. 18). In consequence of having yielded to the pressure of the Governments, and of having even invited their help against the people, the assembly in great measure lost its former popularity.

As time went on the difference between the parties in the as sembly became more and more accentuated. Whilst the democrats desired a united German republic, or at the most the establish ment of an empire that should be wholly dependent upon parlia ment, the liberal majority wished to set up an hereditary empire alongside and above, the separate States. In addition to the question of the form the State should take there was the equally important question as to whether the German possessions of Austria should belong to the new Reich. After the Austrian Government had suppressed the nationalist movement in Bohemia by seizing Prague, and also re-established order to some extent in Vienna, they had summoned an Austrian National Assembly to draw up a constitution for Austria. A complete collapse of the Austrian monarchy, which had seemed imminent in the spring, was no longer to be feared. That the emperor of Austria would consent to be subjected to the authority of a German emperor seemed no less improbable, while, if this dignity were to be conferred upon him, there was danger that the interests of the numerous non German peoples within Austria would receive greater consideration than those of Germany. Moreover it was doubtful whether Prussia would obey the dictates of an Austrian emperor. If, however, the highest dignity were conferred upon the king of Prussia, German Austria would most certainly refuse to be in cluded within the new empire. Nevertheless the constitution in its final form favoured the latter solution of the problem, by de claring that in the future no part of the German empire could be joined with non-German lands to form a State. The assembly then proceeded to lay down the fundamental rights of the German peoples and to declare that in future the army, foreign policy, economic affairs, posts and general legislation were matters for decision by the empire alone. The more difficult question of the election of an hereditary emperor and the definition of his rights in regard to the parliament, was further postponed since there was no prospect of an agreement between the parties.

Meanwhile the greater German States had recovered from the blow they had sustained in the spring. On Oct. 31 Vienna which had once more revolted was captured by Prince Windischgratz ; the Austrian parliament was transferred to the little Moravian town of Kremsier. The Emperor Ferdinand was persuaded to abdicate on Dec. 2, and his nephew, Francis Joseph, who succeeded him appointed as minister-president Prince Felix Schwarzenberg, a man of ruthless will-power and strongly absolutist tendencies.

The liberal ministry of Camphausen in Prussia was also dis missed during the summer, and, after various attempts to form a ministry that would be able to reach an agreement with the national assembly in Berlin over the question of the future con stitution of Prussia had failed, the king entrusted Count Branden burg with the task of forming a conservative official ministry. The attempt on the part of the Berlin parliament to gain control over the army no less than its openly-avowed desire to base the constitution on democratic principles, had convinced the king of the impossibility of coming to an agreement with the assembly. When the parliament resolved to remove the words "by God's grace" from the royal title, and to abolish the nobility, the king felt it impossible to carry on further negotiations. He assembled 5o,000 men under General Wrangel near Berlin, and informed the assembly on Nov. 9, through Count Brandenburg, that they were adjourned until Nov. 27, and would re-assemble in Brandenburg on-the-Havel. The parliament building was closed and occupied by Wrangel's troops. When the king found that these measures did not arouse any serious opposition in the country, he determined to proceed still further. So few representatives appeared at Bran denburg that no quorum could be obtained ; it was therefore dis solved and the king immediately promulgated a constitution for Prussia (Dec. 5). The task of revising and deliberating upon this constitution was entrusted to a new parliament of two chambers. The constitution, indeed, contained far more concessions to liberal wishes than the king in the depths of his heart considered right ; but his ministers had firmly insisted that the concessions promised in March should be carried out, at least to some extent. Hence f orth the rulers of Austria and Prussia were once more in full possession of their power, and it was therefore doubtful whether they would now suffer the national assembly in Frankfurt to draw up laws assigning to them their future position in Germany. Both Vienna and Berlin sharply repulsed all attempts of the national assembly and the regent to interfere in their internal dissensions. The Austrian Government had even gone so far as to shoot two members of the Frankfurt parliament, who had taken part in the October Revolution, despite the fact that their parliamentary im munity was guaranteed in a law that had been recognized by that Government. Since the Frankfurt parliament had no means of compelling the obedience of the more powerful States to its de crees, the majority in the parliament, which had day by day come into closer union with the so-called "Hereditary Emperor Party" and moved further away from the party that favoured what was known as the "Small Germany" solution recognized that their task could only be achieved by gaining the agreement and help of the king of Prussia.

But Frederick William IV.'s whole view of life prohibited him from accepting the imperial crown from the hands of an elective assembly without the approval, or even against the will, of the other German princes. At the same time he also believed a reform of the existing conditions in Germany to be necessary, and, before making any decisive move, he wished to come to an understanding with Austria over the reconstitution of Germany. This proved• more difficult than he had anticipated. Prince Schwarzenberg would have greatly preferred to dissolve the Frankfurt national assembly by force and to have set up a new German Confederation to include the whole Danubian monarchy. At its head there was to be a college of kings composed of the rulers of the six greatest German States :—Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Wurttemberg, Saxony and Hanover. The smaller states were to be entirely subjected to their authority. This would not have achieved the unification of Germany and would only have met liberal aspirations to a very limited extent. His main design was to diminish Prussia's in fluence by a constitution of this kind. For this very reason Fred erick William IV. refused to accept this plan : if it was contrary to his principles to increase the power of Prussia at the expense of the other German States with the help of the Revolution, he was no less determined not to permit Prussia to suffer any curtailment of her power.

These differences of opinion between the Austrian and Prussian monarchs awoke in Ludolf Camphausen, who on his retirement from office had become Prussian representative in the central Government in Frankfurt, the hope that it might yet be possible to bring about an understanding between Frederick William and the Frankfurt parliament. He used the influence accruing to him from his position to pursue a policy of reconciliation and media tion. But every attempt at reconciliation was doomed to failure, in consequence of the sharp contrast between the desires of the majority in the parliament and the personal disposition and senti ments of the king.

In Frankfurt the Small Germany policy gained a complete vic tory when Schwarzenberg established (March 4, 1849) a joint constitution for Austria-Hungary, which was to serve as the basis for a closer union of the Habsburg State. At the same time he informed the national assembly that Austria could not permit her German provinces to break away from their close union with the rest of the monarchy, and could only recognize a constitution for Germany which would permit her to enter the confederation with out sacrificing her own new constitution. The party in Frankfurt which had worked for the inclusion of German Austria within the new empire, felt itself mortally injured by this declaration by the Austrian minister-president ; and it was forced to recognize that in face of such a policy on the part of the Austrian Government its object was rendered unattainable.

The German Constitution of 1849.

After the results of the debates on the first reading of the German constitution had been communicated to the German Governments in order to enable them to bring forward their amendments, the second reading was concluded in the national assembly on March 27, 1849. Thanks to the mediating influence of Camphausen, agreement was reached between Prussia and 28 smaller German States over a number of amendments. But little regard was paid to these amendments in the course of the second reading, and others were even adopted that were excessively unwelcome to these States, as, for example, the omission of the Reichsrat which was to have been composed of representatives of the different Governments and to have been endowed with definite rights alongside the supreme head of the empire. The Liberals, indeed, would gladly have met the wishes of the governments, but, in order to carry the constitution, they were obliged to rely upon the votes of the democrats to whom they were forced to concede universal suffrage, a large diminution in the rights of the emperor, and the abolition of the Reichsrat.

The parliament finally resolved on the establishment at the head of the empire of an hereditary "Emperor of the Germans" who should reside at the seat of the imperial Government : that seat to be determined by special decree. The emperor was to re ceive a civil list and to have the right to dissolve the second cham ber and to veto the laws passed by the parliament. Should, how ever, the parliament pass a law at three succeeding sessions, it be came operative without the assent of the emperor. Alterations in the constitution might be effected in the same manner, only in this instance a two-thirds majority in both houses was required. Thus no room for doubt was left that the final decisive authority rested in the parliament.

The executive authority of the emperor was to be exercised through ministers responsible to the parliament. The parliament was to consist of an upper house (Staatenhaus) and a lower house (V olkshaus) . The members of the first house were to be chosen half by the Governments and half by the lower houses in the separate states. The members of the second house were to be elected on a universal, equal, secret and direct ballot of the entire population in such a manner that there should be one represent ative for every 5o,000 of the population.

The Reich alone was to have charge of foreign policy, the army, and the regulation of economic questions. The separate States were no longer to maintain a separate and individual diplomatic representation. Customs and indirect taxation were to belong ex clusively to the Reich and, if these did not suffice to defray ex penses, the balance was to be obtained by contributions from the separate States. The Reich was also to have the right to levy direct taxes on the entire population. In all matters of finance the Volkshaus was the deciding body while to the Staatenhaus was merely accorded the right of proffering advice in such matters. To achieve unity in judicial matters an imperial supreme court of justice was to be established to determine the disputes between the different States or between the Governments and the parliamen tary bodies.

The States thus retained only their own administrative system, the jurisdiction in the lower courts and the care of spiritual mat ters, particularly religion and education. But in all these matters they were compelled to conform their actions to the general prin ciples laid down in the Constitution, in which it was expressly declared that in all circumstances the law of the Reich had precedence over the law of the individual states.

The Constitution was adopted in this form on March 27, and on the following day the election of an emperor was held in which ago votes were cast for Frederick William of Prussia whilst the remaining 248 representatives abstained from voting. The formal unanimous election followed, and, amidst the pealing of bells and the thunder of cannon, the result was announced to the people. A deputation of 32 members under the leadership of Edward Simson, the president of the national assembly, was sent to Berlin to an nounce the result of the election to the King.

Frederick William could now no longer assume an impersonal attitude. Up to the last moment his ministers sought to persuade him to accept the throne conditionally upon his election being confirmed by the German princes and with certain reservations affecting the Constitution. If he had followed their advice, Fred erick William's position would have been at variance with all his principles. Hence when on April 3, 1849, he received the deputa tion in a formal audience, he contented himself with saying that he was unable to come to a decision until he had received the assent of the German princes and free cities, and that the Govern ments in general had still to consider whether the constitution was likely to realise the hopes of the fatherland. He added that he would never be found wanting should Germany need Prussia's shield and sword against enemies at home or abroad. These words appeared to amount to a postponement of a decision but the parliament could scarcely regard them as other than a refusal, since the completed constitution was spoken of as though it were only a draft awaiting alteration and acceptance at the hands of the German princes. Nevertheless Camphausen did not yet regard the situation as irretrievably lost : for he hoped that if it proved possible to gain the assent of the other Governments, naturally with the exception of Austria, the king would still accept the crown. And he was successful in inducing the 28 smaller States, which had already made a common declaration on the subject, to unite in an unqualified acceptance of the constitution and the election of the emperor. Only Bavaria, Wurttemberg, Saxony and Hanover still hesitated. But in view of the strong public opinion existing in the parliaments and among the inhabitants of these states in favour of an acceptance of the constitution, it did not seem likely that their rulers, willingly or unwillingly, would hesi tate to give their assent also, in event of Prussia's still maintaining a reticent attitude, because not one of them would be willing to incur the blame of having nullified the work of unification by a refusal. Frederick William IV., however, would not accept such a solution. He considered that the assent of the princes obtained in this way through fear of public opinion was worthless. Apart from this it seemed very questionable whether alterations of any consequence could be made in the constitution once it had received the assent of all the Governments. Hence Frederick William IV. de cided to announce through Count Brandenburg in the second chamber of the Prussian parliament on April 21, that Prussia could not accept the constitution as it stood.

Thus the work of unification of the Frankfurt parliament was finally frustrated. Camphausen resigned. The German Govern ments announced that the mandate of the national assembly had expired, and summoned their deputies to leave Frankfurt. The majority obeyed these orders; a minority remained however, in Frankfurt, the so-called "Rump parliament," mainly composed of South German democrats, and sought to hold further sessions and to arouse public support for the constitution against the Govern ments. Since the municipality of Frankfurt forbade any further deliberations within its walls, the Rump parliament removed to Stuttgart. But the Wurttemberg Government ordered its troops to occupy the building in which the Rump was meeting on June 18, and prevented any further sessions. Only in south-western Germany and the kingdom of Saxony did the summons to assist in the execution of the imperial constitution by force meet with a response from a section of the populace. For a time Dresden was in the hands of the rebels, and the Saxon troops were only able to subdue the rising with the help of Prussian regiments. At the request of the South German Governments, a Prussian army under the command of the king's brother, Prince William was despatched thither and quickly recaptured the fortress of Rastatt which had fallen into the hands of the rebels and speedily dis persed the ill-armed and badly led revolutionaries.

This first attempt to unite Germany under a constitution based on principles of liberty failed chiefly because the vast bulk of the population were still indifferent to the great political issues. When the Governments of the individual States recovered from the first shock they set to work to put down firmly all hostile attempts. As a result of Frederick William's refusal of the imperial throne, the alliance between Prussia and the German union movement, which alone afforded the possibility of establishing a new political order in Germany, was for the time being dissolved.

The Prussian Union.

Af ter the failure of the attempt to achieve the unity of Germany through a great national movement, Frederick William IV. desired, with the help of the Governments, to bring it about in another form than that striven for by the Frankfurt parliament. His most important adviser in this task was General von Radowitz, and the object for which both now began to work in common was the establishment of a more ex tensive confederation to include the whole Danubian monarchy and within this a lesser confederation of the remaining States under the leadership of Prussia. From the outset it was extremely questionable whether the emperor of Austria and the remaining German princes, when they had been delivered from their fear of revolution, would entertain such a plan; and, Frederick William insisted that their assent must be wholly voluntary.

A conference of the representatives of the greater German Powers was summoned at Potsdam. Since the revolution in Sax ony and South Germany had not yet been fully crushed, at least a few of these states displayed a willingness to comply with the wishes cf Prussia. The Alliance of the Three Kings (Dreikonigs bundnis) wus concluded on May 26, 1849, between Prussia, Sax ony and Hanovcr having for its object the foundation of a still closer union. A diet was to meet at Erfurt to draw up the con stitution ; it was to be elected solely by the inhabitants of those states which were to be members of the Confederation. Never theless both Saxony and Hanover made the ominous reservation that they should only be obliged to participate if all the German States, with the exception of Austria, entered the narrower Confederation.

Most of the smaller States joined the smaller confederation within a short time; but Bavaria and Wurttemberg refused, and Prince Schwarzenberg very clearly intimated from Vienna that he would look upon the conclusion of such treaties as a blow di rected against the foundations of the still existing German Con federation. When, nevertheless, the majority of the Governments of the States in the narrower confederation decided to hold elec tions for a confederation diet, Saxony and Hanover announced their withdrawal on the ground of their former reservations. Saxony in collaboration with Bavaria and Wurttemberg, entered into close relations with Austria in return for her promise of protection.

The elections for a confederation diet were held in the rest of the German States, and the diet itself assembled at Erfurt on March 20, 185o. A constitution for this narrower confederation was passed on April 29, which greatly differed from the constitu tion drawn up by the Frankfurt diet, but reproduced to a large extent the ideas of the king of Prussia and the Conservatives. Whilst Frederick William IV. was still hesitating as to whether he should now regard the narrower confederation as definitely constituted, Schwarzenberg took the offensive.

Austria had in the meantime with Russian help completely broken the dangerous revolt in Hungary, and also re-established her authority in Italy. Thus her hands were free to take action in Germany. Austria demanded that all the German States should send representatives to Frankfurt where the confederation diet was to re-assemble under the presidency of Austria. If Prussia remained faithful to the lesser confederation, war between her and Austria might easily break out ; and both States therefore sought to ascertain what would be the attitude of the tsar in such an event. Frederick William IV. restored Schleswig-Holstein to Den mark in order to gain the tsar's support. Nicholas I., however who looked upon himself as the champion of conservatism in Europe, disliked the concessions which the Prussian king had made to the Liberals in Prussia and in the lesser confederation, and definitely took the side of Austria. Austria began to make prepar ations for war and re-opened the sittings of the Bundestag with as many of the representatives of the German States as had al ready arrived in Frankfurt. A constitutional dispute arose in Hesse between the elector and the Landtag, and the elector, who thought he would receive greater support from Austria than from Prussia left the union and appealed for help to the Bundestag. The Bundestag resolved to send Bavarian troops to his aid. But Prussia contested his right to secede from the union, and, on the ground that in virtue of former treaties she possessed the right to occupy with her army the great military roads that crossed the electorate, simultaneously despatched her troops into the country. Once again both sides sought to gain the support of the Tsar. The Prussian minister-president, Count Brandenburg, as well as the Emperor Francis Joseph, and Schwarzenberg, visited the Tsar at Warsaw. Nicholas pursued a policy of mediation but he let them clearly understand that in the German question his sympathies were with Austria. At Radowitz's suggestion general mobilization was ordered in Prussia, although the king still hesitated to take up arms against Austria. Frederick William IV. next resolved to dismiss Radowitz, and after the death of Count Brandenburg who had died shortly after his return from Warsaw, to entrust the formation of a ministry to Freiherr Otto von Manteuffel, who as a strong Conservative was strongly opposed to a war against Aus tria. Manteuffel was sent to Olmutz to enter into direct negotia tions with Schwarzenberg and, as in the neighbourhood of Bronzell small encounters had already taken place between the Prussian and Bavarian troops, it was agreed that, until the conclusion of the negotiations, the troops on both sides should refrain from advancing.

On Nov. 29, 185o the Convention of Olmutz was signed. Prussia opened the way to Cassel to the troops of the Confederation ; in Holstein joint commissioners were appointed by Austria and Prus sia ; the future constitution of Germany was to be discussed in open conferences to which all the German States were to be invited to send representatives. Prussia also agreed to abandon her mobilization while Austria promised that as soon as this was done she would also disarm.

The conferences began at Dresden in December and lasted until March 1851. They proved fruitless, and there remained no other alternative than to bring the old Confederation once more into force and to summon the confederation diet in its old form at Frankfurt. Thus the Prussian union was completely shattered.

The Political Reaction.—Although the great movement for the unification of Germany in accordance with liberal principles seemed thus to be retarded, yet it had not failed of result. All its supporters had before them in the constitution drafted by the Frankfurt diet a common programme that would never again be forgotten. Moreover, if the majority of the concessions which had been granted by the Governments in the spring of 1848 had been erased from the constitutions of the individual states, there still remained in Bavaria and Wurttemberg certain small exten sions of parliamentary rights. Austria alone fully re-established absolutism. The constitution for the whole Danubian monarchy which had been proclaimed in March 1849 was withdrawn in 1851. In Prussia a fresh dissolution of the second chamber and the proc lamation of a new electoral law were necessary before an agree ment could be achieved between the Government and the diet regarding the constitution. The oath to the new constitution was finally taken by the king on Feb. 4, 185o. A sufficient guarantee for the retention of the majority in the second chamber by the Conservatives, was believed to have been found in the introduction of the Three Class franchise. The upper chamber was converted in 1854 at the king's desire into the Herrenhaus composed solely of the hereditary nobility and of life members chosen by the king in addition to representatives of the universities and corporations of the greater towns. Manteuffel, who remained at the head of the ministry, endeavoured as far as was compatible with the new constitution, to restore the old bureaucratic system of government.

The example of the two great Powers was followed by the smaller States. At their request the Bundestag appointed a com mittee to see that no laws or institutions endangering the order and peace of the Confederation, should continue to exist in any State ; and the committee took upon itself far-reaching powers of interference with the constitutional rights of the individual States. The committee also introduced new restrictions upon the liberty of the Press and forbade political bodies to form associations with one another.

The sole important advance made in these years was in the sphere of political economy. Hanover, Oldenburg and the Hansa towns were induced to enter the Zollverein which, after included the whole of Germany with the exception of Austria. Thus all plans for the reform of the Confederation introduced by the central States were wrecked by the opposition of the great German Powers to any extension of the competence of the Con federation, because in the diet they might be outvoted at any time by the smaller States. All this passed over the heads of the populace : deep despondency had replaced enthusiasm. The most fearless champions of the liberal and national movements were forced to fly from Germany to avoid persecution. Karl Schurz fled to America, and Karl Marx and Lothar Bucher sought safety in England. Those who remained at home could only keep silence and place their hopes in the future.

While political life was thus brought to a standstill, vast changes were occurring in the economic life of Germany. Industry prospered, factories increased, and Germany began gradually to lose its character of a purely agrarian country. A network of rail ways was constructed of which only the first beginnings had been made in 1848, and from 185o to 186o the mileage was almost doubled. A quantity of new limited companies and banks were founded ; foreign trade increased ; and the great industrial districts which were later to be the nerve-centres of German industrial life began to make their appearance : the great iron and coal fields in the Rhineland and Westphalia, the Saar and Upper Silesian coalfields, and the great textile industry in Saxony. As had al ready been the case in Western Europe, so now in Germany, great armies of workmen began to be formed in the industrial districts who in the succeeding decades provided the Government with fresh problems.

At this time Germany as a whole played little or no part in foreign politics. Austria and Prussia pursued their own individual policies that were not infrequently diametrically opposed to one another. On the outbreak of the Crimean War (1854) the German States remained neutral. Although they concluded a defensive alliance among themselves (April 20, 1854), they soon came into conflict with each other, for Austria, wishing to see Russian in fluence in the East curtailed, entered into closer relations with the Western Powers, whilst Frederick William IV., in conformity with the old traditional policy of Prussia, inclined towards Russia. Hence once more relations between Prussia and Austria under went a change for the worse. The authority of Prussia had sunk very low since the conclusion of the Olmutz Treaty and the failure of her plans for a union of the German states. At first the Powers contemplated excluding Prussia from the Paris Congress which ended the Crimean War. When a rebellion of Prussian sympa thisers broke forth in 1856 in the little principality of Neuchatel, which had formerly belonged to Prussia but had been incorporated in the Swiss Confederation after 1848, Frederick William was only enabled to secure an amnesty for the rebels through the intermediary of the French emperor ; and in return was forced finally to abandon all claim to Neuchatel.

The Prussian Regency.—In the autumn of 1857 the mental condition of Frederick William IV. made it necessary to appoint a substitute, and since he was childless, his brother Prince William, in accordance with the constitution, took over the regency on Oct. 26, 1858. As a younger son, Prince William had been destined for a military career and had rarely come into contact with politics. Like his brother, he was a Conservative, but he did not share his doctrinairism and sentimental policy. As a moderate and practical man, his first thought was always to take into considera tion the actual state of things in so far as his fundamental prin ciples would permit. A brief sojourn in England in the spring of 1848 had given him a greater understanding of parliamentary pro cedure. He had also a far stronger sense of the real interests of Prussia than his brother. He had strongly disapproved of Prussia's yielding to Austria at Olmutz and had ever since been in opposition to the foreign and home policy of the king. He further disap proved of the one-sided conservative party system existing under the ministry of Manteuffel, and at once constructed a new minis try, under the joint leadership of Prince Karl Anton of Hohen zollern-Sigmaringen and Rudolf von Auerswald. Some Liberal members were also included in the Cabinet. His idea was to unite all elements which were prepared to collaborate for the good of the country in a policy which, although resting on conservative principles, was not to be the mere expression of exclusively con servative-party interests. In his speech to the new ministry on Nov. 8, 1858 he declared that a prudent and considered policy must be followed if the position of Prussia in Germany was to be improved. He summarized this policy in the words : "Prussia must make moral conquests in Germany." Since the new government refrained from influencing the elec tions, these resulted in a great increase in the Liberal representa tion in the Prussian house of deputies. All over Germany these events were hailed as the precursors of a new era in Prussia that would afford greater opportunity for the rightful demands of Liberalism. In Bavaria and Baden too this led to the Government adopting a different attitude towards the parliaments. Soon after William became regent, war broke out between Austria, France and Sardinia (1859). Austria looked upon it as Prussia's obvious duty to support her in this conflict, but the prince regent was only prepared to open hostilities if he were given the sole command of the German troops opposing France on the Rhine. As Austria refused this, no agreement was reached. For Prussia in truth had no obligation to intervene, since Lombardy and Venetia did not belong to the German Confederation. After the defeat of the Austrian army at Magenta (June 4, 1859), the Emperor Francis Joseph signified his willingness to comply with Prussian demands; and the prince regent ordered the mobilization of six army corps. But before Prussia had intervened the Austrians had sustained a second severe reverse at Solferino (June 24). When the Emperor Napoleon offered her peace in exchange f br the cession of LdM bardy and surrender of the Austrian possessions in Italy, Austria agreed to his terms because she feared that if Prussia were vic torious on the Rhine her influence in Germany would become pre dominant. But it was completely false to declare as did the Emperor Francis Joseph in a manifesto, that Austria had been forced to sign the peace because she had been left in the lurch by her natural allies. Peace was made rather to prevent Prussia from appearing as the saviour of Austria.

Public opinion in Germany was deeply stirred by the war and the resultant unification of Italy. On August 14, 1859 there as sembled for the first time since the revolution a vast gathering of men to demand the unification of Germany on a liberal basis. Four weeks later the German National Union (DeutscherNational verein) was founded to establish a German Federal State on the basis of the imperial constitution of 1849. Notwithstanding minor persecutions by the governments, the Union developed a powerful propaganda in the course of the next few years. Its supporters were chiefly to be found in the upper ranks of the middle classes, and as yet the mass of the population took no part in its work. The German Governments under pressure from the growing na tional feeling once more considered the possibility of a reform of the Confederation. While the prince regent thought that a reform of the military constitution of the Confederation was most necessary, Austria was opposed to it as giving Prussia the com mand over the greater part of Germany's military resources in event of war.

The Constitutional Conflict in Prussia.—For a long time past the prince regent had been convinced of the necessity for a fundamental reform of the Prussian military system. He wished to introduce universal compulsory military service and to raise the yearly number of recruits from 38,00o to 63,000; while for the purpose of training these recruits the number of regiments in existence would have to be increased by 49. Moreover, the Land wehr was to be brought into closer relation with the standing army. These reforms would entail increased expenditure amount ing to io million thalers yearly. With the assistance of the minister for war, von Roon, a definite programme was drawn up and laid before parliament (Feb. 186o). The majority in the parliament were prepared to agree to an enlargement of the army, but de manded that the period of service should be reduced to two years and the independence of the Landwehr maintained. Although the prince regent did not wish to agree to these conditions, the Parlia ment provisionally voted the sums demanded. The new regiments were formed and the reform of the army carried out. Then William, who had become king on the death of his brother (Jan. 2, 1861) , again laid the bill for army reform before a newly elected parliament to receive its final assent. Once more the same counter demands were put forward ; but when Roon on behalf of the king declared (March 5, 1862) that it was impossible to con cede the two years' service, the house of deputies threw out in toto the increase demanded for military purposes. The king had there fore either to cancel arrangements already made or to fight out the battle with the parliament. Five members of the ministry be lieving that surrender was unavoidable, handed in their resigna tions. The dissolution of the parliament brought about no change in its composition. The new parliament also refused to agree to the demands of the Government, and declared that, if the king still persisted in levying unauthorized taxes for the carrying out of his programme of military reform, he placed himself in oppo sition to the Constitution and broke the oath which he had sworn to it. The obvious duty—so it seemed—of the king was to sum mon a ministry having the confidence of the parliament and to put forward a budget in accordance with their views. The majority in the ministry were also of this opinion.

But the king was convinced that the choice of ministers was an inviolable royal prerogative, and that the conditions which the parliament sought to introduce into its assent to the military pro gramme and military budget, were unacceptable in the interest of the maintenance of an efficient army. If he should prove unable to find ministers ready to support him in his fight against parlia ment, he would abdicate. In searching for men of this character on Roon, the minister for war, hit upon Bismarck, wilo had represented Prussia as ambassador to the Bundestag at Frankfurt, and then at St. Petersburg and Paris. Von Roon had already assured, himself of Bismarck's readiness to serve, and now per suaded him to come to Berlin. The decisive interviews between the king and Bismarck took place on Sept. 22 and 23, 1862 in the park at Babelsberg. Bismarck expressed his willingness to prose cute the struggle with the parliament in defence of the royal pre rogative ; but refused to lay down a detailed home and foreign policy for the future. After some indecision, the king resolved to nominate him minister-president on Sept. 23.

Bismarck.—From the outset, Bismarck's aim was the unifica tion of non-Austrian Germany under the leadership of Prussia. His experiences in Frankfurt had convinced him that Austria would never consent to accord Prussia a position of equality with herself in German affairs and that therefore there would not be room for Austria and Prussia in a political organization of Ger many. He was convinced that the solution for which he strove could only be attained through an armed conflict with Austria. Yet none knew better than he how difficult it would be to induce the king, now nearly 7o years old, whose love of peace caused him to oppose himself to every forcible solution, to give his con sent to such a policy. The king himself was aware of this antagon ism and therefore hesitated to appoint Bismarck head of the Government. He realized Bismarck's extraordinary political capa city, but also his passionate and ruthless temperament. In prac tice, Bismarck was able, once he had taken over the direction of affairs, to lead the king step by step in the direction which he considered right.

An understanding with the parliament over the military budget of 1862 was clearly impossible. The house of deputies maintained their previous position whilst the Herrenhaus rejected the budget as received from the lower house and assented to the demands of the Government. Bismarck now declared that, since the two houses who had equal rights had been unable to reach an agree ment, a valid money bill could not come into force. As the con stitution had not made any provision for such an event, and as it was impossible for the business of the State to stand still, the Government were compelled provisionally to carry on the adminis tration without a proper legal budget ; to continue to levy taxes; and to continue the necessary expenditure. The house of deputies declared that such a proceeding was unconstitutional and that there existed no further means of attaining to an agreement with the ministry. The king replied to this declaration with a message in which he gave expression to his unalterable trust in his ministers and designated as unconstitutional the attempt of the house of deputies to increase its authority. The struggle was still further embittered by the restrictions placed by Bismarck on the liberty of the Press and by his dismissal of liberal officials.

Upon Liberal opinion throughout Germany this intensification of the constitutional struggle reacted in a sense unfavourable to Prussia. Bismarck was looked upon as desiring to restore abso lutism and as lacking all understanding of the desires and demands of the age. This view was false because Bismarck did not wish to set aside the constitution; he wished to interpret it in the sense which seemed right to himself and the king. But doubtless this feeling amongst the Liberals gave rise to extraordinary difficulties in carrying out Bismarck's German policy; for it was the Liberals themselves who had founded the National Union and who strove for the establishment of a small Germany under Prussian leader ship. Nevertheless Bismarck was compelled to repel these natural allies since, unless he successfully carried through the fight for the constitution in Prussia to the bitter end, he could not retain the king's confidence and the direction of Prussian policy.

It is comprehensible that Austria should have sought to take advantage of this situation. The emperor Francis Joseph invited all the German princes to come in person to Frankfurt on Aug. 18, to confer upon a reform of the German Confederation. His plan was to place a directory of five persons at the head of the Confederation and next to them, an assembly of delegates elected from the diets of the separate states endowed solely with advisory powers. Bismarck persuaded the king to absent himself from this conference but the remaining princes assembled at Frankfurt, where the majority adopted the Austrian proposal, on the understanding that their agreement would only remain in force until Prussia had announced what her definite attitude was to be. Thereupon Bismarck replied that Prussia must demand as pre liminary conditions to any reform, the alternation of the presi dency of the Confederation between Austria and Prussia ; a recog nition of the right of Prussia to veto any declaration of war in volving the Confederation ; and the summoning of a German parliament elected on a general suffrage. By her refusal to accept these terms, Austria completely destroyed any hope of success that remained for her project of reform.

Schleswig-Holstein.—The insecure state of affairs in the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein led to the next step in this de velopment. After the revolution of 1848 the European Powers assembled in conference in London to settle this difficult ques tion. The result of their labours was the London Protocol of May 8, 1852 which was signed by all the great Powers. The Powers agreed that on the failure of the male line of the Danish royal house, the house of Holstein-Gliicksburg, to whom the throne of Denmark passed, should also rule over the duchies although, in accordance with the German law of inheritance, these should pass to the house of Holstein-Augustenburg. Austria and Prussia added the proviso that the duchies should enjoy an autonomous adminis tration and constitution within the Danish State, and that terms must be arranged with the duke of Augustenburg to induce him to renounce his claims. It was not until Denmark had promised the duchies their own autonomous administration and diets, and Duke Christian of Augustenburg had announced his intention of refraining from creating any difficulties in the matter of the suc cession, in return for the payment of compensation for the terri tories thus taken from him by Denmark, that the two German Powers signed the London Protocol. But when the Danish king sought to escape from the fulfilment of his treaty obligations, and to introduce Danish administration into the duchies, the Holstein Landtag appealed for help to the Confederation. In Feb. 1858 the Bundestag decided that the Danish constitution was not valid in Holstein. The king of Denmark, threatened by the Confedera tion, exempted Holstein from this constitution without, however, granting the duchy a new one. Austria and Prussia thereupon demanded that Denmark should carry out her treaty obligations in their entirety, and the Confederation again threatening sanctions, called upon the king to grant a new constitution in accordance with the provisions of the treaty of 1852. Since Denmark hesi tated, Hanover and Saxony were instructed to enforce a federal execution.

At this moment Frederick VII. of Denmark died (Nov. 15, 1863) and with his death the male line of the Danish royal house came to an end. Duke Christian of Gliicksburg at once ascended the throne of Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein, as Christian IX., in accordance with the provisions of the London Protocol. Under the pressure of public opinion in Denmark he granted a new con stitution that effected the complete incorporation of the duchy of Schleswig within the Danish kingdom. At the same time Prince Frederick of Augustenburg announced that he did not recognize his father's renunciation, and that therefore he looked upon him self as the rightful heir to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. He assumed the style of Frederick VIII. and found many sup porters in the duchies, since the German population ardently de sired separation from Denmark. From a legal standpoint the prince's actions could not be sustained because his father was still alive and bound by his pledge. Moreover, the fact that the father renounced his own personal claims in favour of his son, was only capable of being interpreted as an attempt to evade the fulfilment of the obligations he had taken upon himself.

In consequence of the growing tension, Austria and Prussia came to an agreement upon a plan of joint action (Jan. i6, 1864). They agreed that, in event of Denmark refusing the demand for a constitution, they would declare war upon her, and regulate the future relations of the duchies with Denmark only by joint agree ment. From the outset Bismarck's intention was to bring the duchies into close union with Prussia in some form or other, if they were separated from Denmark, whilst Count Rechberg, as the inspirer of Austrian policy, wished to compel the Danish king to carry through a purely personal union of the duchies with the Danish crown. When Denmark rejected the ultimatum presented to her by the German Powers, Austrian and Prussian troops, under General Wrangel, invaded the duchies. After the storming of the fortifications at Diippel, and the advance of German troops into Jutland, Denmark decided to invite the mediation of the other Powers. Through their intervention an armistice was agreed to, and a conference held in London from April 25 to June 25 for the purpose of effecting a peace. In order to conciliate Austria Bismarck announced his willingness to accept her solution of a personal union ; but Denmark refused to accept the Austrian pro posal and relied for support on the non-German great Powers. Thereupon the German Powers proposed the complete separation of the duchies from Denmark, and their erection into an inde pendent State under the Prince of Augustenburg. This was im mediately rejected by Denmark. Austria and Prussia then declared that every hope of further negotiation was at an end, and the London Conference broke up without any result. The war was resumed, and the German army, having forced the passage to Alsen, advanced to the northernmost point of Jutland. When they appeared to be preparing to invade Ffiinen, and all hopes of foreign support had vanished, Denmark determined to sue for peace. The Treaty of Gastein.—Peace was signed at Vienna on Oct. 3o, 1864 and Denmark was forced to cede the two duchies up to the river Konigsau, to Prussia and Austria. While these two German districts were thus completely set free from Danish rule, it was as yet uncertain what was to be done with them. A joint Austro-Prussian administration was at first established. Austria, however, was resolved that in no case should these lands become Prussian, and therefore inclined more and more towards the recog nition of the Prince of Augustenburg as duke of Schleswig Holstein; a solution which was also favoured by the majority of the other German States and public opinion throughout Germany. But Bismarck was determined not to agree to this, since a per sonal interview in the previous summer with Prince Frederick had shown him unwilling to make those concessions to Prussia which Bismarck thought it necessary to demand. These included the placing of the Schleswig-Holstein troops under Prussian com mand; the control by Prussia of the post, telegraph and railway systems; and the cession to her of points of military importance on the coasts of the North and Baltic Seas which would ensure Prussia's control of the canal to be constructed between the Baltic and North Seas. Since Austria, in spite of Prussian oppo sition, condoned the agitation in the duchies in favour of the prince of Augustenburg, and since an attempt to win the assent of Prussia to the union of the duchies by the cession of the countship of Glatz was frustrated by King William's opposition it became more and more clear to Bismarck that an open conflict could not be avoided. If war came about, however, Prussia's greatest concern would be the attitude adopted by the Emperor Napoleon III. Napoleon, indeed, had already frequently made known his desire for an alliance with Prussia and his willingness to permit an extension of Prussian authority in northern Ger many. The only question was what price he would demand for his assistance. A personal interview at Biarritz between the em peror and Bismarck decided nothing definite.

Under repeated pressure from Austria, Bismarck (Feb. i865), announced the conditions on which he was prepared to recognize the prince of Augustenburg as duke. The Vienna Government thereupon declared that these conditions were unacceptable be cause they would make the new duchy nothing more than a vassal of Prussia. During the summer of 1865 the situation was still further complicated by the resolution passed by a majority of the Bundestag at Frankfurt in favour of the unconditional recognition of the prince of Augustenburg. In May; Bismarck proposed to send an ultimatum to Austria and on its rejection to declare war. King William, however, was not prepared to go so far and only agreed that Austria's consent to the expulsion of the prince from the duchies should be demanded. As Vienna too was averse to a conflict, Austria and Prussia once more came to an agreement; but it was of a very incomplete nature. On Aug. 14, 1865 the Treaty of Gastein was signed, which laid down that both Powers should provisionally continue to exercise joint sovereignty in the duchies, but that Austria should administer Holstein, and Prussia Schleswig. The fortress of Rendsburg and the port of Kiel were handed over to the Confederation under Prussian control. The duchies were to become members of the Zollverein and Prussia was given the right to construct the canal uniting the Baltic with the North Sea.

Bismarck never believed that this agreement formed a basis for a permanent solution of the Schleswig-Holstein Question (q.v.). After a further visit to Biarritz in which he again tried to ascer tain Napoleon's intentions, Bismarck set to work to strengthen Prussia's position for the coming conflict by winning allies and guiding public opinion in Germany to believe that the approaching war with Austria would be fought for the establishment of new conditions in Germany rather than for the future of the duchies. It was not without difficulty that he concluded an alliance with Italy on April 8, i 866. Italy undertook to participate in the war against Austria should war be declared within the ensuing three months. The two allies agreed that neither would conclude an armistice nor make peace until Italy had gained Venetia and Prussia had an equivalent extension of territory. Napoleon advised the Italians to sign this treaty because he hoped to profit by an outbreak of war in Germany.

At the same time Bismarck laid before the Bundestag a pro posal for the immediate convocation of a German parliament to carry out the reform of the Confederation in conjunction with the Governments (April 9). Soon afterwards he let it be known that in his opinion the authority of the Confederation must be extended to foreign economic and military affairs and that the parliament must be accorded an equal power of legislation.

Prussia's negotiations with Italy, and the proposal for a reform of the Confederation, were taken in Vienna to indicate that Prussia was resolved upon war. To avoid being taken by surprise Austria strengthened her military forces in Bohemia, and Prussia also began to arm. At this juncture, as the result of efforts at media tion on the part of Russia and England, King William consented to the abandonment of all preparations for war on both sides. But the Emperor Francis Joseph, on receiving news of the Italian preparations for mobilization, ordered on April 2 r, the mobiliza tion of the Austrian southern army. Prussia regarded this action as invalidating the recent understanding, and commenced mobili zation on a large scale. As war now seemed inevitable, Austria sought by the intermediary of Napoleon, to prevent Italy from participating in the conflict. In event of an Austrian victory over Prussia, Napoleon was promised Venetia with the right to make it over to Italy. Austria was to be compensated in Germany at the expense of Prussia and her allies ; but with the proviso that her expansion should not be carried so far as to endanger the balance of power in Europe or to effect a complete subjection of the other German states. When it is remembered that at the same time Napoleon had promised Prussia his benevolent neutrality, and had given her to understand that he had nothing against an extension of her authority in northern Germany his policy stands revealed as highly dishonourable.

On June i, Austria announced that she proposed to leave the decision of the Schleswig-Holstein Question to the Bundestag, and, when shortly afterwards she summoned the Landtag to meet in Holstein, Bismarck immediately declared that her action had violated the earlier treaties; for Austria in Jan. 1864 had under taken not to take measures for the future of the duchies without Prussia's consent and the right of summoning the Landtag was undoubtedly one of the sovereign rights which, according to the Treaty of Gastein, were to be exercised jointly by both Powers. Bismarck therefore affirmed that Prussia too was no longer bound by these treaties, and was once more entitled to share in the ad ministration and military occupation of Holstein. On the entry of Prussian troops into Holstein, Austria moved in the Bundestag that the troops of the Confederation should be mobilized against Prussia for the preservation of peace. Such a step was a con travention of the laws of the Confederation which only per mitted of sanctions after the failure of a friendly attempt at reconciliation. Bismarck therefore intimated to the Bundestag that he would be forced to regard every State which voted in favour of the Austrian proposal as at war with Prussia, while at the same time he placed before it a plan for a new constitution which in fact included the fundamental propositions he had al ready made known to the Bundestag. The command of the south German troops of the Confederation was to be given to Bavaria whom Bismarck thus hoped to win over to his side. The diet adopted by 9 votes to 6 the Austrian proposal, which had been modified by Bavaria. The Prussian representative announced that his Government considered that this unconstitutional decision dis solved the Confederation and he called upon the other German States to join with Prussia in establishing a new Confederation on the principle of the earlier reform proposals (June 14, i866).

The Austro-Prussian War.

War was now inevitable. With the exception of some small North German states, the German governments ranged themselves on the side of Austria. Italy sup ported Prussia. France remained neutral. At the battle of Lang ensalza (June 29) the entire Hanoverian army, which was about to march southwards, was captured by the Prussian troops. The Prussian armies then occupied Hesse, Nassau and Frankfurt, and advanced into Bavaria as far as Nuremberg. Meanwhile, in the south, the Austrians defeated the Italians at Custozza (June 24). It was obvious, however, that the decisive action must be fought in Bohemia. In accordance with General von Moltke's plan of campaign, three Prussian armies advanced from Saxony and Silesia into Bohemia. The Austrian commander, General von Benedek, had taken up a strong position at Koniggratz where, on July 3, he was attacked by the united first and second Prussian armies. The result of the battle hung in the balance, until the Crown Prince Frederick William arrived with the third Prussian army at the critical moment, when it ended in the utter defeat of the Austrians and the wholesale rout of their army. The road to Vienna seemed to lie open before the victors.

Napoleon had not expected so speedy a victory. On the con trary, he had hoped that both sides would be exhausted by a long campaign, thus enabling him to dictate a peace under the threat of intervention without using his own forces. Napoleon, fearing to be excluded from participation in the reconstruction of Ger many offered his meditation to the belligerents (July 5), Austria having previously ceded Venetia to him. On the advice of Bis marck, although contrary to his own inclinations, King William accepted the proffered mediation on condition that the terms of peace should be determined before an armistice was concluded. As it was of the utmost importance to him that the war should not be prosecuted in spite of his intervention, Napoleon decided to support the conditions of peace laid down by Prussia and to work for their acceptance in Vienna. Hanover, electoral Hesse, Nassau and Frankfurt were to be incorporated in Prussia. Further, Austria was to be excluded from Germany ; the North German States were to form a North German Confederation under Prussian leadership, the southern States were however to remain independent and have the right to form a separate Con federation. Austria was to pay a war indemnity and definitely consent to the cession of Venetia to Italy. Only after a fierce struggle had Bismarck been able to secure King William's assent to these conditions. The king did not wish to absorb the hostile North German States but only to reduce them, but on the other hand wished to impose cessions of territory on Saxony and the South German States and force Austria to surrender the Austrian portion of Silesia. Bismarck thought these proposals imprudent because the princes who had been deprived of a portion of their dominions would never prove trustworthy allies. For this reason he wished to annex to Prussia those territories which interposed between the two halves of the kingdom, whilst leaving the re maining States untouched so that they might be the more ready to enter in the future into a German Confederation. Bismarck also thought that, if Prussia were to encroach in South Germany, it might still lead to Napoleon's entry into the war. To obtain peace would then mean that no cessions of territory could be exacted from Austria and that the kingdom of Saxony would also have to be left intact. King William, however, finally yielded, and a preliminary peace was signed on July 26, at Nikolsburg. Bismarck refused the Italian request for a cession of the South Tirol on the ground that this was not included in the treaty of alliance.

After the conclusion of peace Napoleon unexpectedly came for ward with the demand for compensation for his acquiescence in the expansion of Prussia. At first he demanded the transference to France of the entire Bavarian Palatinate, Rhenish Hesse and the fortress of Mainz. When Bismarck replied with a complete rejec tion of these demands, Napoleon said there had been a misunder standing and reduced his demand to a request for the restoration of the frontier of 1814, that is to say, for the cession of Landau and the Saar district. On receiving a further refusal from Bis marck, Napoleon attempted at least to secure Prussian support for the annexation of Luxembourg to France and for the future conquest of Belgium. Thinking it unwise to answer these propo sitions with a flat refusal, Bismarck dragged out the negotiations for months without giving any definite reply. But he made use of these demands on the part of Napoleon, to reveal to the South German States the danger to which they were exposed by the covetousness of the French emperor. Since peace had not yet been concluded between these States and Prussia, Bismarck was able to hold before them the hope both of an abandonment by Prussia of her demands for territory and a reduced war-in demnity in return for their entry into an offensive and defensive alliance with Prussia. The South German States were ready to enter into his plans and themselves asked for such an alliance. Bavaria, Wurttemberg and Baden entered into a reciprocal agree ment with Prussia to defend her with their entire military force against every attack and to place their troops under the command of the king of Prussia for the duration of any war thus waged in common. As the northern portion of the grand-duchy of Hesse was a member of the North German Confederation, no such treaty was concluded with Hesse.

The North German Confederation.—When the war had finally been brought to an end by the signature of the definitive Peace of Prague (Aug. 23, 1866), Bismarck's first care was to end the internal conflict in Prussia. The possibility of doing so had arisen during the war through an election which had materially altered the composition of the house of deputies. The Conserva tives had won a great number of seats from the Liberals ; while the feeling against Bismarck entertained by many Liberals had greatly altered. Many of them now saw in him the man who alone was in the position to accomplish that unification of Germany for which they were also striving. Bismarck persuaded the king to lay before the new Landtag a bill of indemnity to give retrospective assent to the taxes and the expenditures made by the Government since the beginning of the conflict which had not hitherto been authorized. At first the parliament showed a disposition to de mand guarantees from the Government that it would abstain from similar measures in the future, but, when the king refused to agree to this, the majority finally passed the bill in the form in which it had been presented to them. A cleavage in what had been hitherto the Progressive Party resulted from these proceed ings. Those Liberals who were prepared to support Bismarck's German policy, and to abandon the full achievement of their objects in home affairs for the sake of the greater aim of national unity, formed themselves into the "National Liberal Party" under the leadership of .the Hanoverian deputy Rudolph von Bennigsen.

The termination of the constitutional struggle in Prussia left the way open for the construction of a constitution for the North German Confederation. With the help of a number of experts, Bismarck had himself prepared the groundwork of the draft which was first submitted to the individual Governments and then laid before the North German Reichstag. The Reichstag, which had been elected on a universal franchise, met in Berlin towards the end of Feb. 1867, and, after some not unimportant changes had been made in the draft of the constitution, this was finally adopted on April 17, 1867, by a majority of 23o votes to 52. The impor tant features in this constitution, which with few alterations be came that of the German Empire after 1871, were as follows : the federal sovereignty reposed in the hands of the federated govern ments whose organ was the Bundesrat, in which out of a total of 43 votes, Prussia held 17: thus she did not possess the ma jority although her territory composed by far the greatest part of the federal territory. The presidency was given to the king of Prussia, and the direction of the affairs of the Confederation was placed in the hands of a chancellor nominated by the president. Next to the Bundesrat came the Reichstag, chosen on a universal, equal, secret and direct franchise and thus representative of the mass of the population.

For its passage, a federal act had to receive the assent of a majority in both the Bundesrat and the Reichstag, whilst an alteration in the constitution could only be effected by a two thirds majority in the Bundesrat. The authority of the Confeder ation extended to foreign policy, the army and economic affairs. Moreover the constitution made provision for a unified financial, penal, commercial, economic and judicial system. The laws of the Reich were to have precedence over the laws of the separate States. As in the constitution of 1849, the individual States re tained their own administrative systems and the control of ecclesiastical affairs and education. The expenditure of the Con federation was to be met by the customs revenue, indirect taxes, and the post and telegraph revenue. If these proved insufficient, the individual States were to make supplementary grants pro portionate to their population so long as federal taxes had not been introduced. The Bundesrat possessed the right, with the approval of the president, of dissolving the Reichstag. This con stitution gave the individual States a greater measure of inde pendence than the Frankfurt constitution of 1849 by permitting them to retain their own diplomatic representatives, while they exercised through their votes in the Bundesrat a stronger influence upon the government of the Reich.

The establishment of the North German Confederation marks the first step towards the re-organization of Germany. The Lib erals indeed often feared that the cleavage of Germany into two halves along the line of the Main might prove permanent. But Bismarck, from the beginning had in view the inclusion of the South German States within the Confederation as soon as the feeling of animosity 'against Prussia, which prevailed in the south after the war, had disappeared and the international situa tion permitted it. Through the conclusion of the offensive and defensive alliance with the South German States, Bismarck had already provided that, in event of a hostile attack from without, the military resources of Germany would be collected together under one leader for the defence of her territory. He now sought to unite North and South still more closely in economic bonds.

The war had destroyed the Zollverein. Bismarck at once set to work to resurrect it, and in July 1867 he invited the representa tives of all the German Governments to a conference at Berlin. He informed the conference that Prussia was only prepared to conclude a new treaty with those States which were willing to es tablish a customs-parliament. This parliament was to co-operate with the Governments in the work of the Zollverein, especially in determining the customs-duties ; it was to meet at Berlin and consist of deputies to the North German Reichstag as well as of a corresponding number of South German deputies. Since the South German States were not prepared to sacrifice the advantages to be derived from membership in a greater economic entity, they were forced to accept these conditions. On July 8, 1867, the new Zollverein treaty was signed, and the customs parliament met for the first time in the following year. In this parliament South Germany and North Germany again became accustomed to co-operate in public affairs and although its activities were restricted to economic questions, it contributed not a little to the overcoming of the differences between the various States. Whilst Bismarck by these two treaties established good relations with the South, the Bavarian Government strove to bring about the establishment of a separate South German Confederation under its own leadership—fruitlessly because Wurttemberg and Baden were less unwilling to place themselves under Prussian than Bavarian leadership.

The Luxembourg Question.—The crux of international affairs of ter 1866 lay in Prussia's relations with France. Na poleon still hoped to receive at least the grand-duchy of Luxem bourg as a recompense for his neutrality during the Austro-Prus sian War. The grand-duchy had belonged to the old German Con federation but had not joined the North German Confederation. But since the town of Luxembourg prior to 1866 had been a fortress occupied by Prussia, a Prussian garrison still remained there. Napoleon demanded that Prussia should withdraw this garrison and declare her consent to his acquisition of the grand duchy by purchase from the king of the Netherlands. While Bismarck let Napoleon hope that by this means he might gain possession of Luxembourg, he from the outset made it clear that the Prussian garrison could only be withdrawn at the request of the king of the Netherlands or the inhabitants of Luxembourg, and further the whole affair must be very cautiously handled in order to avoid irritating German nationalist feelings. If this occurred it would make it impossible for Prussia to consent to the transfer of Luxembourg to France : for she could not risk incurring the reproach of having handed over to France, without urgent reasons for doing so, a land in which the population was, at least in part, German. Ignoring these warnings Napoleon en tered into direct negotiations with the king of the Netherlands for the purchase of Luxembourg, although the Prussian garrison had not been withdrawn. The king of the Netherlands was not pre pared to make so weighty a decision without first assuring himself of the agreement of Prussia; but Bismarck declared that he was unable to advise him in the matter. Meanwhile the French had already spread abroad a rumour that the purchase had been completed, and in Germany an intense feeling of indignation made itself apparent. Von Bennigsen brought forward an inter pellation in the North German Reichstag and in reply Bismarck stated that he had no knowledge of the conclusion of any such treaty and that he hoped to be able to protect the rights of Ger man States and German citizens from any injury without pre judicing the friendly relations with neighbouring States. The king of the Netherlands thereupon refused to sign the treaty, and Napoleon was placed in a difficult position. For a long time it seemed as though war would break out, but this danger was averted by a European congress which met in London. As a result of its deliberations, Prussia abandoned her right to garrison the fortress, which was destroyed, while the grand-duchy remained an independent State under its then ruler.

If Bismarck had desired war with France, he could easily have brought it about at that moment. Instead he chose this moment to publish the, hitherto secret, offensive and defensive alliance with the South German States, as a warning to Napoleon that in event of an attack upon Prussia he need not hope to find the South German States either fighting upon his side or maintaining an attitude of neutrality.

Napoleon regarded this fresh defeat as a deep personal humili ation. Henceforth he worked for an alliance with Austria and Italy that should be directed against Prussia, and he also began a great re-organization and re-armament of his army. But al though Napoleon found that Austria and Italy were in general inclined to favour his plans, he was unable to bring about the conclusion of an actual alliance. After her severe defeat at the hands of Prussia, Austria was unwilling to become involved in a new war of which the result could not with certainty be forecast. If France first gained the upper hand in South Germany, Austria would then be prepared to intervene in the struggle. Napoleon's negotiations with Italy broke down over the Roman Question ; for he could not hand over Rome to the Italians without offending clerical parties in France. These negotiations, coupled with the appointment of the avowed enemy of Prussia, the duke of Gram mont, as minister for foreign affairs, showed clearly the direction of Napoleon's policy.

The Spanish Succession Question.—Although Bismarck was aware of the existence of these negotiations, he was uncertain whether they had produced any definite result ; and in any case he believed it to be his duty to make use of every available means of defence against an imminent French attack. An opportunity for this was afforded him by the emergence of the Spanish succes sion question. Af ter the expulsion of Queen Isabella in 1868, a regency had been set up in Spain. When various attempts to find a suitable occupant for the throne had failed, it was offered to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen who was descended from the Catholic and Suabian line of the Hohenzollerns, and married to a Portuguese princess. At first the prince manifested little inclination to accept the proposal, but Bismarck favoured his acceptance from the outset on the ground that, in view of the state of Franco-Prussian relations, it would be useful to have a friendly government in Spain. The king, however, was unwilling to influence the prince in making a decision, and the prince de clined the proposal. Since among the reasons for his refusal the prince had alluded to the instability of the situation in Spain, and the untrustworthiness of the Spanish army, Bismarck des patched two agents to Spain to obtain accurate information as to the position there. He also induced the head of the Spanish Gov ernment, Marshal Prim, to inform the prince that he did not look upon his refusal as a final one. When the agents reported in a sense favourable to his candidature, the question was once more laid before the prince; as in these circumstances his father, Prince Charles Anthony also favoured an acceptance, the prince reversed his previous decision. Bismarck thereupon informed Prim that he should again approach Leopold.

The prince announced his acceptance to Prim's ambassador on June 19, 187o, after King William had given his consent, on condition that he should be elected by a considerable majority. The whole affair was to remain a secret until a proposal had been brought forward in the Cortes for the election of Leopold. Through a misunderstanding, however, the Cortes had been adjourned before the receipt of Leopold's final answer, and Prim, believing that in these circumstances it was not possible to preserve secrecy any longer, informed the French ambassador of the position of affairs. A wave of indignation spread over France. A question was answered in the French Chamber on July 5, by Grammont, with the declaration that France could not without anxiety see the establishment by a foreign power of one of its princes on the throne of Charles V., and the consequent disturbance of the balance of power in Europe. He ended his speech with an open threat of war against Prussia, if she did not withdraw Prince Leopold's candidature, and he despatched Count Benedetti to Ems, where King William was taking the cure, with instructions to see that he ordered the prince to withdraw his candidature.

While he hesitated to give such an order, King William in f ormed Prince Charles Anthony that he would be very glad if his son were to abandon his candidature in order to avoid bringing about a war with France over this question. The prince, believing that the decision must await the re-assembling of the Cortes, had gone on a tour in the Alps and could not at the moment be reached. Prince Charles Anthony therefore took it upon himself in the name of his son to telegraph to Paris and Madrid that the latter withdrew his candidature. Meanwhile in Paris a feeling had grown up that a mere withdrawal of Leopold's candidature was not of itself enough, and that the opportunity should be utilized to inflict upon Prussia a humiliation similar to that in flicted upon France over Luxembourg. Grammont demanded of King William that he should write a letter of apology to the Emperor Napoleon and at the same time verbally informed him, through Benedetti at Ems, that he must promise not to permit the prince to resume his candidature.

But before Benedetti had had time to present these new demands on July 13, Bismarck had taken action. When the crisis arose, he had been on holiday on his Pomeranian estates; but, on reading Grammont's reply to the interpellation in the Chamber, he resolved at once not to give way before any threat on the part of France. He would personally have preferred that the King should refuse to receive Benedetti at Ems, and, when he did so, Bismarck determined to go to Ems himself. On arriving in Berlin on July 12, he learnt that Prince Charles Anthony had already renounced the candidature on behalf of his son, and, as he thought that it was now too late to alter the situation, he determined to remain in Berlin. But he sent Count Eulenburg to Ems to convey his views to the King. On his arrival, Eulenburg found that the interview with Benedetti had already taken place, and that the King had told the ambassador he could give no guarantee for the future. On Eulenburg's advice, the King decided to inform Benedetti that under the existing circumstances he could not again receive him in audience and that any further negotiations must be transacted with his ministers. The King at once tele graphed an account of what had taken place at Ems to Bismarck and further gave him permission to make known to the Press and the diplomatic corps the further French demands and the fact of their rejection. Bismarck made use of this authorization to publish the King's telegram with certain abridgements which did not affect its actual content. (See BISMARCK, PRINCE OTTO VON.) The French Government was now confronted with the necessity of deciding whether or not to accept the Prussian reply. Napoleon would perhaps have been disposed to let the matter rest there, if Grammont and the Empress Eugenie had not advised him that such a policy would still further imperil the already insecure position of his dynasty in France. Thus he resolved to sign the declaration of war on July 15. If the French Government had contented itself with the withdrawal of the Prussian candidature, he could have concluded the whole affair with a diplomatic triumph for France ; it was only when they took the fateful decision to seize the opportunity to inflict a personal humiliation upon the Prussian king, that war became inevitable.

The War with France.

The South German States at once recognized that the eventuality provided for in the offensive and defensive alliance with Prussia had arisen, and placed their troops under the command of King William in fulfilment of their treaty obligations. But Germany could not count upon the support of any other allies; Russia preserved a strict neutrality; Austria pursued a very indecisive policy, and if the French had gained a distinct success in the first weeks of the war, the party in Vienna which favoured participation in a war against Prussia would cer tainly have gained the upper hand ; England desired to remain neutral, but at the same time to prevent Belgium being involved in the war. Gladstone, indeed, thought that the safety of Belgium was not sufficiently secured by the existing treaties and he there fore, concluded new treaties with France and Prussia in which both States undertook not to violate the neutrality of Belgium, whilst England bound herself to make war upon any State that should violate that neutrality.

In accordance with a plan of Moltke's, three armies were formed for the purpose of invading French territory from three different directions: General Steinmetz from the Moselle, Prince Frederick Charles from the Palatinate on Metz and the crown prince from the upper Rhine on Strasbourg. The French ad vanced into the Saar district and won a small victory at Saar briicken. So confident were they of victory that they had already drawn up an elaborate plan for the partition of Prussia and a re-division of Germany, by which France was to receive the Saar district. The further progress of the campaign was to belie their confidence. On Aug. 4 and 6 the crown prince won two great victories over Marshal MacMahon at Worth and Weissenburg, forced the marshal to evacuate Alsace, invested Strasbourg and advanced against Nancy. The other two German armies sur rounded the troops of Marshal Bazaine in Metz and in the bloody fights at Mars-la-Tour and Gravelotte (Aug. 16 and 18) repulsed his attempt to break through the Prussian lines. Metz itself was besieged and the advance towards Chalons begun. When Marshal MacMahon attempted to get round the northern flank of the German forces and press forward on Metz, he found the road already closed to him by numerically superior German forces. Nevertheless he attempted to break through, only to meet with a terrible defeat at Sedan on Sept. 1, where, on the following day, he was forced to surrender with all that remained of his army, including the Emperor Napoleon himself. The arrival in Paris of the news of this disaster brought about the overthrow of the empire and the establishment of a Government of National De fence under the leadership of General Trochu. This new Govern ment asked for an armistice. But on the refusal of Moltke to grant this request before he had received the surrender of Stras bourg, Metz, Bitsch and Toul, the negotiations broke down. Whilst the main German army advanced against Paris, the fortresses of Metz and Toul capitulated in September, and Stras bourg fell into German hands in October : of the frontier forts, Belfort alone held out until the middle of Feb. 1 871. Paris was completely encircled with German troops and the attempts at relief made from the north and the Loire were repulsed after fierce fighting. Finally Bourbaki's army—the sole efficient army left to France—was driven over the Swiss frontier on Feb. I, 187 r, and there disarmed.

Shortly before this, Paris had capitulated (Jan. 28), and thereby the resistance of France was virtually ended. An armis tice was concluded for a period of 21 days, and during this time a national assembly was to be elected with whom negotiations could be carried on for the conclusion of peace. The national assembly met at Bordeaux on Feb. 13, and elected Thiers as president of the executive body. As his representative, Jules Favre appeared at the German headquarters in Versailles and, of ter long and diffi cult negotiations, the preliminary peace was signed there on Feb. 26, which was subsequently to form the basis for the final peace concluded at Frankfurt-on-Main on May I o. France had to cede Alsace and a portion of Lorraine with the city of Metz, as well as to pay a war indemnity of five milliards of francs. At the outset Bismarck had wished to demand the cession of Belfort, and he had only desisted from doing so when he had been assured by Moltke that the possession of this fortress was not of vital neces sity for the defence of the south-west frontier of Germany. German troops occupied Paris, only to leave it again when the national assembly had ratified the peace treaty, and certain districts in Lorraine continued in German military occupation until the war indemnity had been paid in full. (See also FRANCO