This doubt led to the use of the "election" device in two-thirds of the laws passed prior to 1917, the year in which the constitu tionality of compulsory laws was finally established. By that time the elective pattern was so generally accepted that its use con tinued in many States. Under an elective law, the employer and the worker chose whether to come under compensation. The em ployer, however, was induced to come in by provisions which abro gated some or all of his common law defences (described above) if he remained outside. Most of these laws presumed his election to come in unless he took affirmative action to the contrary. It was generally believed that the absence of compulsion would make these elective laws easier to sustain.
However, in 1917, the United States Supreme Court finally up held both compulsory and elective laws in three important de cisions (New York Central Rail. Co. v. White, 243 U.S. 188; Hawkins v. Bleakly, 243 U.S. 21o, and Mountain Timber Co. v. Washington, 243 U.S. 2 1 9 ). In the first case the court unanimously upheld New York's second compulsory law, passed in 1913 after the State constitution had been amended. The opinion emphasized
that the compensation act did not merely destroy the body of common law rules relating to industrial accidents, but replaced them with another system. The court further declared that "lia bility without fault is not a novelty in the law." In the second case the court unanimously upheld Iowa's elective law. In the third case it sustained the compulsory law of the State of Wash ington which further required all covered employers to insure in a State insurance fund. This decision was reached by a five to four vote.
Comparison of American and British Systems.—American compensation laws differ from the British Act in several impor tant respects. In the first place, they make compensation an ex clusive remedy. In every State but one, the law denies the worker a choice after the accident between compensation and his right to sue for damages. Under compulsory laws he loses his right to sue entirely, except under certain special circumstances. Under elective laws he must choose between the two remedies prior to the accident ; ordinarily he is presumed to accept compensation along with his employer. Again in contrast to the British system, employers are required under American acts to insure their com pensation risk. In virtually all jurisdictions, all employers must carry insurance except those who can satisfy certain standards of financial responsibility and qualify as "self insurers." In seven States in 1939 employers were required to insure in the exclusive State fund; in 12 jurisdictions they had a choice between a State fund and private insurance ; in the remaining States only private insurance carriers were available. Finally, unlike Great Britain, virtually every American State had by 1939 established some kind of administrative agency for the decision of disputed compensa tion claims. Appeal to the courts from these quasi-judicial bodies could be made only on questions of law, not of fact. In addition these administrative agencies were charged with the affirmative responsibility to see that injured workers received the compensa tion due them.
American compensation laws resemble the British Act in their benefit features. After a specified waiting period, compensation is paid covering medical care and a portion of wage loss measured as a percentage of average full time earnings. Various methods are used in different States in computing the benefits due in case of death or one or another type of disability.
As for scope, the definition of injuries covered is typically the same as that used in Great Britain; namely, "injuries arising out of and in the course of employment." These terms have been in terpreted in numerous court decisions. In addition to accidents, some kinds of occupational disease are included under more than half the American compensation laws. By 1939, 23 States and six other jurisdictions had amended their laws to this effect. How ever, only 14 of these acts provided complete coverage. The re mainder compensated for certain listed diseases, or were even more limited in scope. Though workmen's compensation had been generally accepted in the United States for about 20 years, it is important to note that in 1939 farm labourers, domestic servants, casual workers, and the employees of small employers were still generally excluded from the scope of compensation laws. In ad dition, interstate railway employees remained under a special em ployers' liability statute. The effect of these exclusions was to leave at least 2o% of American workers outside the compen sation system. It must be recognized that benefits are limited both in amount and duration so that they never equal the full wage loss.
F. Dodd, Administration of Workmen's Compensation, The Commonwealth Fund (1936) ; Lescohier and Brandeis, History of Labor in the United States, Vol. III Labor Legislation (5935); For subsequent changes in workmen's compensa tion laws consult Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor, Monthly Labor Review. (E. Bs.)