It remains to make a few observations on their - conduct when in office ; and here an impartial in quirer will not be long in discovering that both their merits and demerits have been greatly exaggerated. Their war measures proved unimportant, particularly in the point which, in the then ardent state of the mind, superseded all others—the annoyance of France ; and the result was, an unconsciousness in the greater part of the people of what was really va luable in their views and conduct. Yet Mr Fox brought to the department of foreign affairs an inti mate knowledge of continental politics, and an ex emption from national prejudices, far, however, from being accompanied, as the vulgar supposed, by an in difference to our national interests. Lord Grenville, if naturally lees conciliating, and less fitted for grand views, possessed a practical knowledge of business, and had become aware in retirement of the various errors arising from a too early introduction into office. They had a liberal feeling towards Ireland and the United States ; and though by no means lukewarm in their resistance to Bonaparte, they all held the kn., practicability of making any impression on his power by force of arms, until the occurrence of some com bination of circumstances which should justify a grand and united effort. In what manner they would have acted bad they been in power when the general in surrection in Spain burst forth, the public have no means of judging ; so different is the language and even the feeling of politicians when in and out of office. Several of their measures, such as the intro duction of the Lord Chief Justice to a seat in the cabinet, and the assent to the appointment of such a commander as Whitelocke, were singularly ill-judged. To place Lord Grey, and after him Mr T. Gren ville, at the head of the Admiralty, was to declare to the public that professional knowledge was unneces sary in that high statiob, as if its effects had not been most beneficially displayed in the administration, short as it was, of Lord Barham. Finally, their in temperate declaration in the Cabinet minute of 12th March. evinced a strange miscalculation of their strength when put in opposition to the personal will of the sovereign and the existing prejudices of the public. The result was, that their fall caused no regret to the majority of the nation,• and that the errors of their successors excited no wish for their recall, Of the new ministry the efficient members were Mr Perceval, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Mr Chnning, Minister for Foreign Affairs ; Lord Castle reagh for the War, and Lord Liverpool for the Home Department. One of their first measures was a prorogation of Parliament, followed by a dissolu tion, which gave them, in the elections, the advan tage so lately enjoyed by their predecessors, with the farther advantage of an alarm strangely excited in the public mind on the ground of Popery. The new Parliament met on 22d June, and, after passing the bills requisite for the army, navy, and other cur rent business, was prorogued on 14th August.
The Session of 1808 was opened on Slat January by a speech of uncommon length, which enlarged on the Copenhagen expedition ; our relations with Rus sia, Austria, and Sweden ; the departure of the royal family of Portugal to Brazil, and our Orders in Council respecting Neutrals. The chief debates of the session related to these subjects. The Copen hagen expedition was much canvassed, as unpro voked by Denmark, and incompatible with the hon our of England. Still that measure received the support of a great majority, Mr Ponsonby's motion for the production of papers relating to it being ne gatived by 252 to 108, and a similar motion in the House of Lords by 105 to 48. Even a motion for preserving the Danish fleet, to be restored, after the war, to Denmark, was negatived in both Houses.
The volunteer system had, since 1804, been greatly relaxed, and the country evidently stood in need of a more constant and efficient force. The Grenville
ministry, adverse to the Volenteer System, had de termined to let it fall int, disuse, and to replace it by a levy of 200,000 men, to be trained to act not in battalions but separately, and as irregulars, on the principle that local knowledge was the chief recom mendation, and a continuance of previous habits the proper exercise of such a force. The new ministry, however, pursued a different course, and passed an act for a local militia ; a body which, with the ex ception of the officers, was composed of the lower orders, pledged to regular training during one month in the year, and subjected to all the strictness of military discipline. Such of the volunteers as chose were to remain embodied ; the total of the local mi litia was about 200,000, and the mode of levy was by a ballot of all persons, not specially exempted, between the age of 18 and 81.
The Orders in Council were frequently discussed during this session, but they were as yet imperfectly understood either in their immediate operation or in their consequences. Unfortunately for the advo cates of moderation, Bonaparte now lost all regard to justice, and committed the most lawless of all his acts—the seizure of the Spanish crown. Indigna tion at this atrocity, and a firm determination to sup port the Spanish cause, were manifested by men of all parties, among whom were remarkable, as habitual members of Opposition, the Duke of Norfolk and Mr Sheridan ; the latter making, on this occasion, one of the most brilliant speeches of his latter years.
The Session of 1809 was opened on 18th January by a speech declaring a decided determination to ad here to the cause of the Spaniards, notwithstanding the failure of the campaign, and the retreat of our army, under Sir John Moore. The intelligence that arrived soon after the death of that commander, drew from the house a unanimous eulogy of his character, and regret for his fall. There still prevailed, both in Parliament and the public, a strong attachment to the Spanish cause ; and, in the various motions made by the Opposition to censure ministers for misma naging our armaments, or ill-planning our operations, the minority seldom exceeded a third of the mem bers present.
But the attention of Parliament and the public was withdrawn even from this interesting question, and absorbed by the charges against the Duke of York, brought forward by Colonel Wardle, on evidence given or procured by Mrs Mary Anne Clarke, a forsaken mistress of the Duke. Ministers, unaware of the extent of the proofs, brought the in quiry before the House, instead of referring it to a committee, and a succession of singular disclosures were thus made to Parliament and the public. Of these the most remarkable were produced by the friends of the Duke persisting in examinations begun under an impression of his entire innocence. It is hardly possible to describe how much this subject en gaged the public attention during the months of Fe bruary and March. Of the influence of Mrs Clarke in obtaining commissions from the Duke, and of her dis posing of them for money, there could be no doubt. The question was, whether the Duke was apprised of this traffic ; and though he might not be aware of its extent, there seems hardly room to doubt that, in certain cases, he suspected its existence. The de bate on the collective evidence was uncommonly long, being adjourned from night to night, and ex hibiting a great difference of opinion on the part of the speakers. Several resolutions, varying in their degree of reprehension, were proposed ; and though those finally adopted condemned only the immorali ty of the connection formed by the Duke, without asserting his knowledge of the pecuniary abuses, the result was his resignation of the office of Command er-in-Chief.