LIBERTY PARTY, the first political party organized in the United States to oppose the spread and restrict the political power of slavery, and the lineal precursor of the Free Soil and Repub lican Parties. It originated in the Old North-west. Its organiza tion was preceded there by a long anti-slavery religious movement. James G. Birney (q.v.), to whom more than to any other man belongs the honour of founding and leading the party, began to define the political duties of so-called "abolitionists" about 1836; but for several years thereafter he, in common with other leaders, continued to disclaim all idea of forming a political party. In State and local campaigns, however, non-partizan political action was attempted through the questioning of Whig and Democratic candidates. The utter futility of seeking to obtain in this way any satisfactory concessions to anti-slavery sentiment was speedily and abundantly proved. There arose, consequently, a division in the American Anti-slavery society between those who were led by W. L. Garrison (q.v.), and advocated political non-resistance, and those who were led by Birney and advocated independent political action. The sentiment of the great majority of "aboli tionists" was, by 1838, strongly for such action. Accordingly, the political abolitionists, in a convention at Albany, in April 1840, launched the "Liberty Party," and nominated Birney for the presidency. In the November election he received only 7,069 votes, or the support of probably less than one-tenth of the pro fessed abolitionists.
After 1840 the attempt began in earnest to organize the Lib erty Party thoroughly, and unite all anti-slavery men. The North west was the most promising field, but though the contest of State and local compaigns gave morale to the party, it made scant political gains (in 1843 it cast hardly io% of the total vote) ; it could not convince the people that slavery should be made the paramount question in politics. In 1844, however, the Texas question gave slavery precisely this pre-eminence in the presi dential campaign and the Liberty men again nominated Birney. He received 62,263 votes—many more than enough in New York to have carried that State and the presidency for Clay, had they been thrown to his support. The Whigs, therefore, blamed the
Liberty Party for Democratic success and the annexation of Texas; but—quite apart from the issue of political ethics—it is almost certain that though Clay's chances were injured by the Liberty ticket, they were injured much more outside the Liberty ranks, by his own quibbles. After 1844 the Liberty Party made little progress. Indeed, no party of one idea could hope to satisfy men who had been Whigs or Democrats. At the same time, anti slavery Whigs and Democrats were segregating in State politics, and the issue of excluding slavery from the new territory acquired from Mexico afforded a golden opportunity to unite all anti slavery men on the principle of the Wilmot Proviso (1846). The Liberty Party reached its greatest strength (casting 74,017 votes) in the State elections of 1846. Thereafter it rapidly became in effective. In Oct. 1847, at Buffalo, was held the third and last na tional convention. John P. Hale—whose election to the United States Senate had justified the first successful union of Liberty men with other anti-slavery men in State politics—was nominated for the presidency. But the nomination by the Democrats of Lewis Cass shattered the Democratic organization in New York and the North-west ; and when the Whigs nominated Gen. Taylor and showed hostility to the Wilmot Proviso, the way was cleared for a union of all anti-slavery men. The Liberty Party, then, abandon ing its independent nominations, joined in the first convention and nominations of the Free Soil Party (q.v.), thereby practically losing its identity. The Liberty Party has the unique honour among third-parties in the United States of seeing its principles rapidly adopted and realized.