Besides such traditionally defined unions, there are also mar riages recognised as convenient and desirable by the respective families and arranged for by them. Infant betrothal (prevalent in Australia and Melanesia), where a definite claim is established; or infant marriage (reported especially from India), where the bond is effectively concluded, are two of the most usual forms of these. The main motive for infant unions is the determination of the families to secure a convenient union. In Australia, where an infant is often allotted to a mature male, the power of old men and their keenness to secure young wives, are at the root of this institution. Whether similar conditions existed, or even still survive in Africa, is an interesting problem (see B. Z. Seligman, "Marital Gerontocracy in Africa," Journal of the Royal Anthro pological Institute, 1924).
In many communities, including some advanced nations of Europe, marriage is mainly determined by social or financial con siderations, and in this the parents of bride and bridegroom have as much to say as the two people directly concerned. In some primitive tribes two brothers exchange sisters (Australia), or a man's matrilineal uncle or patrilineal aunt has some say (Melane sia). Where the initial payments are very heavy and where they are used to secure a wife for the bride's brother, marriage is usually also a matter for an arrangement rather than free choice.
With all this free choice still remains the most important ele ment. Very often an infant betrothal or some other form of ar ranged union is broken by one of the people directly affected, and marriage by elopement, with the subsequent consent of family and kindred, overrules all other considerations. Invariably in all communities the majority of unions come from the initiative of the partners. Marriage by free personal choice is the normal marriage, and the choice is mainly determined by personal attrac tion, which does not mean merely a sexual or erotic attraction. In general the physical appeal combines with compatibility of character, and such social considerations as suitability of rank and of occupation and of economic benefits, also influence the choice. Here again the nature of marriage entails a complexity of motives, and its stability has always to be secured by a suitable compromise between conflicting interests.
18. The Religious and Ceremonial Side of Marriage.— The sanctity of the marriage bond is not found merely in the Christian religion, nor is it a prerogative of the higher cultures. The supernatural sanction, derived from a solemn, publicly cele brated, spiritually as well as ethically hallowed ceremony, adds to the binding forces of mere law. Marriage is valid as a legal con tract in so far as its breach is visited by worldly retributions and its generous fulfilment carries worldly benefits. As a sacra
ment, marriage in primitive and civilised societies alike, is pro tected by spiritual powers, rewarding those who observe matri monial duties meticulously and piously, and punishing those who neglect them.
The religious aspect of marriage is therefore closely akin to the legal, in that it adds to the validity and sanctity of other func tions, rather than establishes new ones. It finds expression in the acts of establishment and those of dissolution: religious rites are to be found at betrothal and wedding, while divorce is often reli giously defined and qualified, and at death the breach of the bond finds its spiritual expression in the duties, observances and cere monies incumbent on the surviving partner. Besides these cere monial manifestations in which the bonds of marriage are reli giously tied or dissolved, religious ethics establish those rules of matrimonial conduct which are sanctioned supernaturally or felt binding through their appeal to moral sense rather than to self interest.
19. Ceremonies of Betrothal and Wedding.—Betrothal can be defined as an act preliminary to marriage, establishing mutually presumptive claims. The period between betrothal and marriage varies, and where it is short, it is often difficult or even impossible to decide whether we deal with an act of betrothal or an inaugural wedding rite. It is also unprofitable to draw a very sharp line of distinction between infant betrothal and infant marriage. Where betrothal imposes real obligations and a valid tie, the rites then observed usually fulfil in their religious bearing the same function as those of marriage, and consist of the same or similar actions, both as regards ritual technique and symbolic meaning. It will be best therefore to discuss the binding rites of marriage and betrothal together.
These rites and ceremonies cover a very wide range, from the simplest act, such as a meal openly taken in common, to complex and elaborate tribal festivities, extended over a considerable period of time. But in every human society marriage is con cluded by a ritual enactment. It might be disputed whether such rites in their simplest form present a genuine religious charac ter ; but most sociologists would agree that they always possess some religious elements in that they are solemn and public ; in their more developed form and in higher cultures they become definitely religious. It will be best in discussing the nature of wed ding rites not to draw too pedantic a distinction between their legal and religious aspects, since the two often merge or shade into each other imperceptibly.