The revolution of 1848 spread like a conflagration through Europe, and shook every throne on the Continent except those of Russia, Spain and Belgium. Palmerston's sympathies had been passionately awakened by the cause of Italian independence. He supported the Sicilians against the king of Naples, and the king of Sardinia against Austria. The British government, or at least Palmerston as its representative, was regarded with suspicion and resentment by every power in Europe, except the French republic; and even that was shortly afterwards to be alienated by Palm erston's attack on Greece.
This state of things was regarded with the utmost annoyance by the British court ar?d by most of the British ministers. Palmerston had on many occasions taken important steps without their knowledge, which they disapproved. Over the foreign office he asserted and exercised an arbitrary dominion, which the feeble efforts of the premier could not control. The queen and the prince consort (see VICTORIA, QUEEN) did not conceal their indignation at the position in which he had placed them with all the other courts of Europe. When Kossuth, the Hungarian leader, landed in England, Palmerston proposed to receive him at Broad lands, a design which was only prevented by a peremptory vote of the cabinet ; and in 185o he took advantage of Don Pacifico's very questionable claims on the Hellenic government to organize an attack on the little kingdom of Greece. Greece being a state under the joint protection of three powers, Russia and France protested against its coercion by the British fleet, and the French ambassador temporarily left London, which promptly led to the termination of the affair. But it was taken up in parliament with great warmth. After a memorable debate (June 17), Palmerston's policy was condemned by a vote of the House of Lords. The House of Commons was moved by Roebuck to reverse the sen tence, which it did (June 29) by a majority of 46, after having heard from Palmerston the most eloquent and powerful speech ever delivered by him, in which he sought to vindicate, not only his claims on the Greek government for Don Pacifico, but his entire administration of foreign affairs. It was in this speech, which lasted five hours, that Palmerston made the well-known declaration that a British subject—"Civis Romanus sum"—ought everywhere to be protected by the strong arm of the British government against injustice and wrong. Yet, notwithstanding
this parliamentary triumph, there were not a few of his own colleagues and supporters who condemned the spirit in which the foreign relations of the Crown were carried on ; and in that same year the queen addressed a minute to the prime minister in which she recorded her dissatisfaction at the manner in which Lord Palmerston evaded the obligation to submit his measures for the royal sanction as failing in sincerity to the Crown. This minute was communicated to Palmerston, who did not resign upon it. This distrust and uneasiness reached their climax when Palmerston expressed to the French ambassador in London, with out the concurrence of his colleagues, his personal approval of the coup d'etat of Louis Napoleon. Upon this Lord John Russell advised his dismissal from office (Dec. 1851). Palmerston avenged himself by turning out the government on a militia bill ; but although he survived for many years, and twice filled the highest office in the state, his career as foreign minister ended for ever, and he returned to the foreign office no more. Indeed, he assured Lord Aberdeen, in 1853, that he did not wish to resume the seals of that department.
Upon the formation of the cabinet of 1853, which was com posed by the junction of the surviving Peelites with the Whigs, under Aberdeen, Palmerston accepted with the best possible grace the office of secretary of state for the home office. At one moment he withdrew from it, because Lord John Russell persisted in presenting a project of reform which appeared to him entirely out of season; and he advocated, with reason, measures of greater energy on the approach of war, which might possibly, if they had been adopted, have averted the contest with Russia. As the difficulties of the Crimean campaign increased, it was not Lord Palmerston but Lord John Russell who broke up the govern ment by refusing to meet Roebuck's motion of inquiry. Palm erston remained faithful and loyal to his colleagues in the hour of danger. Upon the resignation of Lord Aberdeen and the duke of Newcastle, the general sentiment of the House of Commons and the country called Palmerston to the head of affairs, and he entered, on Feb. 5, 1855, aged 7o, upon the high office, which he retained, with one short interval, to the day of his death.