Papacy

Under Urban II.'s papacy the formulary of the papal bulls began to crystallize, and the letters amassed in the papal offices were differentiated clearly into great and little bulls, according to their style, arrangement and signs of validation. Under Paschal II. the type of the leaden seal affixed to the bulls (representing the heads of the apostles Peter and Paul) was fixed, and the use of Roman minuscule finally substituted for that of the Lombard script.

After the reformation and the crusade the papal monarchy existed, and the next step was to consolidate and extend it. This task fell to the popes of the 12th century. Two of them in par ticular—the two who had the longest reigns—viz. Innocent II. and Alexander III., achieved the widest extension of the power entrusted to them, and in many respects their pontificates may be regarded as a preparation for and adumbration of the pontifi cate of Innocent III. This period, however, is characterized not only by the thoroughgoing development of the authority of the Holy See, but also by the severe struggle the popes had to sus tain against the hostile forces that were opposed to their con quests or to the mere exercise of what they regarded as their right.

The Papacy and the German Emperors.

In the secular contest, Germany and its imperialist leaders were invariably the principal obstacle. Until the accession of Adrian IV., how ever, there had been considerable periods of tranquillity, years even of unbroken peace and alliance with the Germanic power. Under Honorius II. (1124-3o), the empire, represented by Lothair III. of Supplinburg, yielded to the papacy, and Lothair, who was elected by the clergy and protected by the legates, begged the pope to confirm his election. Before his coronation he had renounced the right, so jealously guarded by Henry V., of assist ing in the election of bishops and abbots, and he even undertook to refrain from exacting homage from the prelates and to content himself with fealty. This undertaking, however, did not prevent him from bringing all his influence to bear upon the ecclesiastical nominations. When the schism of 113o broke out he endeavoured to procure the cancellation of the clauses of the Concordat of Worms and to recover lay investiture by way of compensation for the support he had given to Innocent II., one of the competing popes. This scheme, however, was frustrated by the firmness of Innocent and St. Bernard, and Lothair had to resign himself to 'the zealous conservation of the privileges granted to the Empire by the terms of the concordat. The ardour he had displayed in securing the recognition of Innocent and defending him against his enemies, particularly the anti-pope Anacletus and the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, involved him in a course which was not precisely favourable to the imperial rights. Innocent II. (113o-43) was

the virtual master of this monarch, whose championship of the papacy brought not the smallest advantage, not even that of being crowned emperor with the habitual ceremonial at the place con secrated by tradition. It may even be maintained that his eleva tion was due solely to his personal claims. This was a victory for Rome, and it was repeated in the case of the first Hohenstaufen, Conrad III., who owed his elevation (1138) mainly to the princes of the Church and the legate of Innocent II., by whom he was crowned. He also had to submit to the consequences of his origin on the occasion of a double election not foreseen by the Concordat of Worms, when he was forced to admit the necessity of appeal to Rome and to acknowledge the supremacy of the papal decision. The situation changed in 1152, under Eugenius III. (1145-53) when Frederick Barbarossa was elected German king. He notified his election to the pope, but did not seek the pope's approval. None the less, Eugenius III. felicitated the new sovereign on his election, and even signed the treaty of Constance with him (1153). The pope had need of Frederick to defend him against the revolted Romans and to help him to recover his temporal power, which had been gravely compromised. Anastasius IV. Pursued the same policy, and summoned the German to Rome (1154). Frederick, however, was determined to keep the seat of the empire for himself, to dispute Italy with the pope, and to oppose the divine right of kings to the divine right of priests. When he had taken Lombardy (1158) and had had the principles of the imperial supremacy proclaimed by his jurists at the diet of Roncaglia, the court of Rome realized that war was inevitable, and two energetic popes, Adrian IV. (1 154-59) and Alexander III. (1159-81), resolutely sustained the struggle, the latter for nearly twenty years. Victims of the communal claims at Rome, they constituted themselves the champions of similar claims in northern Italy, and their alliance with the Lombard communes ultimately led to success. In his duel with Barbarossa, Alexander III., one of the greatest of mediaeval popes, displayed extraordinary courage, address and perseverance. Yet we must not exaggerate the importance of the act by which Barbarossa, kneeling before his conqueror, recognized the spiritual suprem acy of the Holy See, and swore fidelity and respect to it. In its final form, the truce of Venice was not only not unfavourable secularly to the Empire, but even granted it extensive advantages.