Leaving them aside, we must record that in the early i6th cen tury he led a revolt against the Church. This revolt, so successful thanks to his ability, gave immense help to other malcontents. At the same time another event occurred, which was beyond antici pation. Henry VIII. of England, enjoying the absolute authority bequeathed him by his father, found motives for questioning the authority of Rome. Again there can be no short uncontroversial discussion of these motives, but all must admit that merely per sonal desires went to their making.
These two revolts found allies in those tendencies to rebellion that would otherwise have been leaderless. The abuses of ecclesi asticism, the adventurous impulses of the Renaissance, the ease with which ideas could be spread thanks to the discovery of print ing, the loss of prestige which the papacy had suffered, all now combined against the Church. The Reformation had come.
From the Catholic point of view, the notable feature of the Re formation is that it postponed a general solution of the problem of the Church's relations with political states. The problem had become acute with the disappearance of even the ideal of political unity. The 14th and 15th centuries had seen the removal of extreme solutions. The Reformation diverted nationalism from the path of reconciliation, and forced the papacy to stress its uni versal authority. Naturally the revolt against the papacy where it was successful led to a nationalist conception of religion. There were indeed further extremists whose religion was entirely per sonal but generally in Protestant countries nationalism prevailed. Meanwhile in Catholic countries the movement for reform which had existed before Protestantism, acquired new vigour, but was given a narrower orientation. Hence it is usually known— very inaccurately—as the Counter-Reformation. To call it this is to concentrate merely on one of its activities. However, once Protestantism had appeared, Catholic saints and reformers de voted themselves mainly to its refutation and defeat. The Society of Jesus, which was founded with no reference to the Reformation, and which maintained a remarkable activity in every direction, gave special attention to the fight against Protestantism. The Council of Trent which represented a movement older than Prot estantism, and which initiated many reforms, was largely busied with Catholic defence against the Reformers. The unity of the Church had to be asserted vigorously, a stricter uniformity, even in non-essentials, had to be imposed to safeguard that unity. Though this was necessary it had the casual effect of re-arousing the extreme nationalism which had seemed in the preceding cen tury to be disappearing.
Outside the Church the Protestant countries regarded loyal subjects of the Catholic Church as traitors to the new States which claimed absolute sovereignty even in religion. Also these new
States naturally considered the Catholic States as enemies to their own national existence. Hence arose the wars and persecutions which make the history of the period so melancholy. But at least this atmosphere of strife roused Catholic fervour, and the 16th century is crowded with great saints. Gradually this increased fer vour and the political superiority of the Catholic States checked the revolt. It would be unfair to stress the part played by war and intrigue. After the first blows, violence did not succeed not ably in affecting the religious situation.
Thus by the end of the 16th century the movement had come to an end. Northern Europe had broken away from Catholic unity, and southern Europe had remained loyal. The relations of the papacy with Protestant States can be dismissed shortly. They were openly hostile, and the papacy at first, pursuant of its medi aeval traditions, encouraged Catholic princes to use force against its enemies. But as the futility of this became manifest the papacy was content to preserve the balance of power. The growth of Gallicanism made the popes even ready to favour Protestant States ; these were already lost, but France was still Catholic, and its Catholicity was threatened by Gallicanism.
Towards Catholic princes it had already been clear that the papacy was adopting an individual policy, and negotiating sepa rately with each State on non-essential points. Meanwhile even in these countries the spread of the Reformation and the growth of despotic monarchy revived the moribund nationalism. During the 17th and i8th centuries this assumed various forms. As monarchs were despotic and as the theory of the Divine Right of Kings established itself nationalism •usually became tinged with Regal ism, but always there remained at the basis the theory that though the pope was the ruler of the Church he was not absolute, but was subject to general councils. In France this spirit was known as Gallicanism, in Germany as Febronianism, in Austria as Joseph ism, in Italy and more generally as Regalism. There were shades of difference between them. Sometimes the views expressed might be almost orthodox; but from the Catholic point of view all were fundamentally vitiated by the tendency, always latent, usu ally manifest, to limit papal authority over the Church. In the century these theories were very widespread, but they did not succeed in destroying fundamental Catholicism. For the his tory of the Catholic Church in England see the section IN ENG LAND AND SCOTLAND below.