Nicholas Ii

Extreme pressure was used during the elections to the third duma (1907-12), as well as to the fourth one (1912-17). How ever, the government did not succeed entirely in stifling the op position groups. The party composition of the two last dumas was as follows : At the beginning of the decade of duma activity Stolypin worked with the leading group of Octobrists and their leader Guchkov. By that co-operation Stolypin was able to pass his agrarian laws and the nationalist bills depriving Finland of the last remains of her autonomy. It was the consummation of Nicholas' policy against Finland which had cost the life of his general governor Bobrikov in 1904. Poland was deprived of a part of Kholm territory. Measures were taken against the Ukrainian national movement and against the Jews, with the acquiescence of the duma. However, on the questions of the re construction of the army and navy Guchkov took a sharp line against the Government and the grand dukes, which incensed the tsar and seemed an attack on his prerogative. It made Stolypin go to the side of the Nationalists—a party newly created with the pecuniary aid of the Government and thus very submissive, led by Count Vladimir Bobrinsky and Paul Krupensky. On the other hand the Octobrists approached somewhat the Cadets and worked together on questions of foreign policy and the budget. An open conflict with Stolypin took place in 1911 over his reckless use of emergency legislation in order to break the opposition of the legislative institutions, including the upper house. As soon as Stolypin lost his credit with the duma he was no more needed by the tsar, who still cherished the hope of complete freedom from the duma. The assassination of Stolypin (Sept. 14, 1911) by a revolutionary, Bogrov, did not elicit any expression of regret from the tsar and was ascribed by rumour to a police plot.

The elections to the fourth duma were so arranged by the Government as to give an overwhelming majority of Nationalists who would then ask for the transformation of the dome into a consultative chamber. At the court Rasputin enjoyed already a paramount influence, and the tsarina began to meddle in politics with the aim of strengthening the weak tsar against all risk of concessions to constitutionalism, and also preserving autocracy unimpaired for her son. However, the results of the elections were a disappointment : the opposition increased in number and authority; the right wing of autocratists was merely equal to it; and there was no strong centre to lead the duma.

War and Opposition.

The beginning of World War brought nearly all parties together in a patriotic cry for a "sacred union." But the government did not know how to make use of this dispo sition of mind. It continued its exasperating internal policy and tried to do without the duma. Their situation was so much the worse when the Russian retreat began and the army proved un prepared. The war minister, Sukhomlinov, and other reactionary ministers were then dismissed and the duma was summoned for Aug. 1, 1915. The duma was empowered to control the supply of munitions through their members in a special committee together with the "Union of the Zemstvos" led by Prince Lvov. The duma found finally its majority : but it was the majority of a "progressive block" which proposed to the tsar a national coalition govern ment "possessing the confidence of the country" and a programme of reforms necessary to appease the country (Aug.–Sept. 1915). Unhappily there was no Witte to advise the tsar. Goremykin was only a courtier and he made the tsar answer by a prorogation of the duma and by the expulsion of all liberal ministers who favoured the idea of a national cabinet (Sept. 16).

Thus the last chance of a peaceful solution was lost. The duma could no more lead public opinion, which turned to revolution. The chiefs of the army were this time on the side of the duma and public opinion, as they did not believe in the possibility of victory as long as this regime lasted. The universally hated Goremykin had to resign when the duma met (Feb. 2, 1916) ; but his successor—the old master of ceremonies of the court Stiirmer, an ignorant and a comic figure, especially when he was made successor of Sazonov in foreign affairs (July), only contributed to discredit the whole system and to demonstrate its weakness. As

the tsar had made himself commander-in-chief instead of Grand Duke Nicholas and was absent at headquarters, the tsarina took the lead in Petrograd (the new wartime name of the capital). She surrounded herself with an adventurous crowd of irrespon sible advisers, the friends of her great "friend," Rasputin. The duma was at last summoned on Nov. 14. She poured her wrath on Sturmer, who had to go, and on Protopopov, her former vice president who passed through the antechamber of Rasputin to get the post of home minister. Sturmer's successor A. Trepov was hissed by the duma. Warning on warning came to the tsar even from grand dukes and foreign diplomatists, insisting on serious concessions to the people in order to prevent revolution. But the tsar, hypnotised by the tsarina, would not listen. On Dec. 17 (30) Rasputin was assassinated by Prince Yussupov, husband of the emperor's niece, and Purishkevich, the leader of the ex treme absolutists in the dame. Not even that blow could change the obstinacy of Alexandra Feodorovna. Protopopov seemed to wish to provoke an outbreak. In certain circles a scheme for the tsarina's arrest and the tsar's abdication were being discussed. The meeting of the duma had been postponed until Feb. 14 (27), 1917. Disorders in Petrograd began during its session, and on Feb. 26 (March ) the duma was prorogued. The following day was the first day of the revolution.

BiBuoGRAPHY.—General works. Good general reviews of Russian history have appeared recently in the chief European languages. Very useful and full of information (extensive bibl.) is Sir Bernard Pares' A history of Russia (1926). Karl Stalin's Geschichte Russlands von den bis zur is based on thorough special study ; the expose is embedded in learned criticism. Vol. 1 (Stuttgart) goes up to Peter's birth : two more volumes are to follow. There is about to appear (1929) in French a Russian History in two volumes by Russian historians (Kiesevetter, Miakotin, Miliukov and others). In Italian: Storia della Russia by Prof. Eugenio Smurlo (vol. 1, Dalle a Pietro it Grande 1928). Earlier productions which still preserve their interest are A. Rambaud, Histoire de la Russie, revue et complitie a par E. Haumant (1918, good bibl.) ; V. 0. Klyuchevsky, the renowned Moscow historian, Lectures vols., in Russian, abridged Eng. tr. by C. J. Hogarth, 1911-13) ; R. Nisbet Bain's series of well informed books: Slavonic a political history of Poland and Russia from to (1908 Cambridge historical series) ; The First Romanovs, (1905) ; The Pupils of Peter the Great (1897) ; • The of Peter the Great (1899). K. Waliszewski has issued a similar series (brilliant, but sometimes super ficial) Ivan le La crise revolutionnaire (1906), Le berceau d'une dynastie, les premiers Romanovs (190.9), Pierre le Grand (1897), de Pierre le La Derniere des Romanov, Le Roman d'une Imperatrice and Autour dun trone (Catherine II.), Le fils de la Grande Catherine, Paul Alexandre I. (2 VOIS.). See also the works of Alexander Bruckner: Geschichte Russ lands bis zum Ende des 18 Jahrhunderts (Gotha, 2 vols., 1896- 1913; continued by C. Mettig) ; Peter der Katharine die Zweite (both in Oncken's Geschichte) ; Schiemann. Russland, Polen and Liefland bis im XVII. Jahrhunderts (Oncken's Gesch.) and his Geschichte Russlands unter Nikolaus I. (3 vols., 1904-13).

For the history of the 19th and 20th centuries see Kornilov, Modern History of Russia (good and reliable, New York, 1916) ; B. Pares, "Reaction and revolution in Russia 1861-1909" (Chapters 12 and 13, Cambridge Modern History) ; A. Pypin, Die in f Russland in der ersten Halte des Jahrhunderts ; Skrine, Expan sion of Russia (Cambridge Historical Series, 1915) ; Sergius