But this moral com fort was of short duration, and the emperor very soon perceived that he and his allies were unable to cope with the tide. More over, in his own country a vast conspiracy was formed, of which he was aware in the last weeks of his life, though he took no steps against it. A military revolt was organized the very moment his brother and successor came to the throne (Dec. 1825), and though it was suppressed in the course of one day, the danger he had undergone left its imprint on the whole of Nicholas I.'s mind and behaviour. After 1848, when most European Govern ments gave way to political reform, the emperor of Russia re mained almost the sole bulwark of legitimacy. His son, Alexander II., understood that however well the principles of his ancestors might have been adapted to the requirements of his country, they had to be exercised in conformity with the spirit of the times, and he effected a number of important reforms, such as abolition of serfdom, new courts of law with participation of a jury, local self-government (zemstvo) conscription for the army, education for the masses, etc. But the enemies of tsardom used these liberal measures merely as a broader basis for revolutionary propaganda, and this at once became so strong that it led to the murder of the emperor (188r).
His son, Alexander III., proclaimed his allegiance to reaction; the Constitution his father had elaborated and would have granted had he lived a few days longer, was forgotten, and a police re gime was instituted which appeared to stifle a recrudescence of revolutionary activities but in reality drove them into under ground channels. Outwardly, the country was quiet and pros perous. The political alliance with France, which was the per sonal achievement of the emperor, created an era of peace and permitted the whole force of the nation to be devoted to economic development. The building of railroads, without which no modern State can live, was bound in Russia, owing to her vast expanse, to be protracted over a much longer period than in other European countries ; this work was, however, pushed on in gigantic strides ; the trans-Siberian railway (due to the emperor's personal initia tive) being the most notable achievement in this branch.
The last Romanoff emperor, Nicolas II., came to the throne at the age of 26, and strove to continue his father's work along the same lines. He succeeded in creating a wonderful economic prosperity. His desire to obtain a strong footing on the Pacific, and thereby to prompt the development of Eastern Siberia, led to a war with Japan (1904), which ended in disaster. A revolu tion broke out, and though it was suppressed by rapid and force ful measures, the emperor attempted to pacify the land by grant ing constitutional rights (Oct. 1905). This, however, was done but half-heartedly, and led to incessant misunderstandings between the Government and the people's representatives.
Propaganda was already strong, and every liberal concession, instead of quieting public opinion, gave fresh opportunities of carrying it on. The emperor, while well-intentioned, was scarcely strong enough in character to withstand the forces of unrest which from 1905 on became yearly more active. At last, Russia's participation in the World War and the emperor's wish to unite all classes in one effort against the enemy, cleared the ground for propaganda in the army; it was especially active in the hospitals, which were largely in the hands of volunteers. The general discontent and uneasiness produced by several years of war were put to use and a spark was sufficient for bringing on a general conflagration in the midst of which the last Romanoff emperor descended from the throne with chivalrous dignity. The three centuries of the Romanoffs' rule correspond to a period of expansion and brilli ancy such as Russia had not hitherto known. (M. PAL.)