The Beginnings of Rome

Period A: 509-265 B.C.—(a) The Struggle Between the Orders.—The Tarquins apparently did not at once acquiesce in the results of the revolution. Securing the aid of friends in Etrus can cities and also in some Latin towns like Tusculum, still held by friendly princes, they attacked Rome again and again. An Etruscan tradition mentions a temporary victory by Lars Por senna of Clusium by which he was able to disarm Rome for a while; and as late as 499 there was a famous battle at Lake Regillus in which the Romans won a decisive victory over Etrus can and some Latin forces, and the general on that occasion vowed the temple to Castor in recognition of aid received from Greek cavalry. Rome also had trouble with the Latin cities, for the new Government attempted to take over the hegemony of the Latin towns that had been subjected by the Tarquins, while these Latin towns also wished a restoration of independence. Rome's wars with the Etruscans made it impossible to enforce her claims over the Latins, and consequently she had to come to terms with them. The independent league of Latin towns' consisting of Tibur, Tusculum, Aricia, Lanuvium, Ardea, Pometia and Cora, formed in order to resist Rome's pretensions, soon (c.

493) entered into a defensive alliance with her (the foedus Cassianum), and this new league made enough progress at once so that Signia and Norba were settled as common Latin colonies. But the Volscian towns of Antium, Satricum, Velitrae and Tarra cina fell away from Latin connections.

The Government.

The new Government of Rome was more nearly an aristocracy than the old native Italic Governments. During the regal period with its great prosperity, its immigration of labourers, its partial imposition of serfdom, and grants of fiefs and privileges, class distinctions had come into existence. The favoured elders, selected by position, influence and favour for seats in the senate, were now considered a caste apart from the rest and they and their descendants were called patricians (q.v.). Since this group seems to have led the revolution and formed the new Government it is not strange that they imposed the require ments that patricians alone could hold the magistracies and priest hoods and interpret the laws, and that no resolution of the popular assembly should be binding unless ratified by the patrician senators. And when the more influential of the plebeians were enrolled as senators these conscripti apparently were not allowed to participate in the ratification of laws. Economic changes added to the disagreement between the classes. With the departure of the king and his court Rome fell out of the current of sea-going commerce, if we may judge from the evidence of excavations. For a while also trade relations with Etruria were cut off. Build ing construction which had flourished also soon came to an end.

Furthermore when Rome had to surrender her hegemony not only over the Volscians of southern Latium but also over all the towns of central Latium, the profits that had flowed into the city from those regions ceased. There must have been much poverty and a large number of unemployed. And since the laws still permitted imprisonment and under certain conditions en slavement for debts, there arose among the poorer plebeians a demand for political rights with which to win some relief from economic distress. There were still in the vicinity several primitive Latin villages with their old town meetings which reminded the Romans of the old democratic government that had existed before the Etruscan invasion.

In the domain of external politics the 5th century was largely devoted to a reconquest by the league of the parts of Latium which were lost to the Volsci and Aequi during the distressing years of warfare with the Etruscans. In internal politics the plebeians made some progress during the century in their battle for recognition. What the plebeians first asked for was the right to elect advocates (tribunes of the people) who should have the right to prevent arbitrary arrest, and to speak for them in court when arrested. This seems to have been an attempt to find a remedy against harsh debtor-laws, and a substitute for the king who had listened to such appeals. The historians say that the plebeians were not granted this request until they had seceded to Mons Sacer when called upon for service against the Volsci. The fact that the privilege was granted by a sacred agreement which also invoked a curse upon any who impeded a tribune in the performance of his duty gives evidence that the measure rested upon a solemnly sworn compact between the orders. The story of the political strike is therefore plausible. There may at first have been four tribunes, one for each city tribe; but before the time of the decemvirs there were ten, and this re mained henceforth the standing number.

It would be difficult to find a parallel to the tribunate any where. The tribune never became, strictly speaking, a magistrate of the Roman people. His one prerogative in the early day was 'Rosenberg, in Hermes, 159 (i919).

to protect individual plebeians against summary arrest by patrician officials and he must exercise this function in person and within the city. That he was sacrosanct and absolutely protected in the performance of his duty clearly points to the intention that in this one function he was to be as efficient a protector of the op pressed individual as the absolute monarch had been. Such powers could hardly be kept from abuse, and in time the tribunes became powerful individuals who could intervene in almost any department of state.