The Cultural Function of Marriage and Family

Nor is it carried out through economic foresight. Large quan tities of accumulated food and wealth are employed instead for festive display, for ceremonial yet useless donations, sometimes even for mere destruction, often on a gigantic scale. All such customs serve merely for the manifestation of the wealth of the owner, of his generosity, of his economic power. In the South Seas, the accumulated food is employed for the production of objects of value by the feeding of artisans, who devote them selves to the polishing of axe-blades, to carving, to the making of shell ornaments or of mats (Thurnwald, R. W. Firth). Some of these early forms of valuable tokens of wealth have a dis tinctly religious character, serve in ritual ceremonies, are asso ciated with belief and possess elaborate mythical pedigrees (Mauss). Finally there is one very important fact which contra dicts the merely utilitarian view of primitive economic incen tives; the products of savage industries in general, far from being made with the minimum of effort required for their utility, show a lavishness of artistic detail, of decoration and pedantic finish, which would put to shame any civilised artisan. The joy in the work, the satisfaction of perfect craftsmanship, the artis tic passion for the general appearance of the finished product dominate savage industry and enterprise (B. Malinowski).

It is clear from this evidence that the "first essentials of mainte nance," the primary needs and the requirements of practical utility, do not exclusively control the economic effort of primitive man. Nor is their aim always to achieve the utilitarian maximum of effect by the minimum of effort. To understand the driving forces of early production, it is, therefore, not sufficient to make reference to man's animal needs. It is just as necessary to realise the natives' ideas of value; their pleasure in the integral effect of their work in which artistic, sporting, social and even religious motives are mixed with those of pure utility.

The Character of Early Production.

The well-known scheme of K. Buecher, who would place the whole range of primitive husbandry within the limits of the "Individual search for food" and of "closed household economy" is the clearest ex pression of the view that primitive man works for himself and his family alone, and that he knows no production on a wider, a communal or tribal scale.

A fuller insight into the nature of primitive labour reveals the existence of organisation. Even in the lowest cultures there are tasks which transcend the forces of one individual or of one family—the felling of trees, drive-hunting, the very collecting of food. At higher stages, such pursuits as communal hunting and fishing, the making of gardens, the construction of houses and canoes require some type of organised labour. This points to a definite specialisation, distribution and synchronisation in time, a division of functions, an integration of the individual contri butions to the common end. If we enquire what are the elements

of the economic organisation, it soon becomes clear that we must distinguish between moral or persuasive, and social or coercive factors. K. Buecher in a later work (Arbeit and Rhythmics) has drawn attention to the great importance of rhythm for successful work. Many other stimulants and incentives could be mentioned, the most efficient of which is unquestionably work in company. Conversation, jokes, mutual assistance and interest relieve the tediufn of solitary labour, while emulation, example and the satis faction of pride are under primitive conditions possible only in communal work. The best worker is always recognised as such among savages, and his leadership is followed. Much more impor tant, however, is the moral prestige enjoyed by supernatural ex pert knowledge which, in the form of magic, always controls vital and difficult economic pursuits. Marking the dates, inaugurating the successive stages, imposing periods of rest and setting the time limits, it acts as an organising, co-ordinating influence (B. Malinowski in Argonauts of the Western Pacific).

Social coercion is the other important force in economic organi sation. As soon as distinctions of rank and power arise they are used as means of extorting labour, while, on the other hand, economic inequalities function as indices of social status.

Primitive Ownership.

This economic problem has been dis cussed in some detail by anthropologists. But while, on the one hand, the writers, who, like Buecher, assume an atomised eco nomic production, admit only of individual or personal owner ship, those following Morgan, and influenced by a strong social istic bent, Engels, Bebel, Cunow, make the savage into a com munist. As a matter of fact, property, which is but one form of legal relationship, is neither purely individualistic nor communal, but always mixed (B. Malinowski, Crime and Custom).

The misuse of such conceptions as "communism," associated with an incorrect application of the concept of "money" may be exemplified in a scheme recently put forward by the late Dr. Rivers. Dr. Rivers designates certain forms of valuables found in Melanesia, such as mats, arrows, pigs' jawbones and, above all, shell discs, as "money," following the usage of white traders, missionaries and planters. Dr. Rivers to justify the use of this word, insists that these objects "are used for no other purpose" and "have a very definite scale of value," but he gives in other contexts a definite and concrete account of several ways in which these objects are used "for other purposes," and thus stultifies his first criterion. The second criterion is obviously insufficient for identifying a commodity as "money." All objects have in our economy "a very definite scale of value," yet we do not apply the word money to a pair of slippers, a motor-car or a picture by Raphael, still less do we use these things as money.