The Restored Monarchy

spain, government, spanish, clerical, barcelona, vatican, july, morocco, religious and moret

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Morocco Crisis and the Barcelona Rising.

Its downfall was ultimately due to the development of the crisis in Morocco (q.v.). It is only here proposed to outline the effects of its reaction upon the internal affairs of Spain. The trouble, long brewing, broke out in July, with the attack by the Riff tribesmen upon the workmen engaged on the railway being built to connect Melilla with the mines in the hills, held by Spanish concession ares. The necessity for strengthening the Spanish forces in Afnca had for some time been apparent ; but Maura had not dared to face the cortes with a demand for the necessary estimates, for which, now that the crisis had become acute, he had to rely on the authorization of the council of State. The spark was put to the powder by the action of the war minister, General Linares, in proposing to organize a new field force by calling out the reserves. This summoned up too vivid memories of the useless miseries of former over-sea expeditions. On July 26 a general strike was proclaimed at Barcelona, and a movement directed at first against "conscription" rapidly developed into a revolutionary attack on the established order in Church and State. The city, a colluvies gentium, was seething with dangerous elements, its native pro letariat being reinforced by a cosmopolitan company of refugees from other lands. The mob, directed by the revolutionary ele ments, attacked more especially the convents and churches. From the city the revolutionary movement spread to the whole province.

In Barcelona the rising was suppressed after three days' street fighting (July 27-29). On the 28th martial law was proclaimed throughout Spain, and a military reign of terror continued until the end of September. In the fortress of Monjuich in Barcelona were collected, not only rioters caught red-handed, but many others—notably journalists—whose opinions were disliked. The greatest sensation was caused by the arrest on Aug. 31 of Senor Ferrer, a theoretical anarchist well known in many countries for his anti-clerical educational work and in Spain especially as the founder of "lay schools." Senor Ferrer was tried by court martial (Oct. 11-13), and shot. This tragedy, which rightly or wrongly aroused the most widespread indignation throughout Europe, produced a ministerial crisis in Spain. The opening of the October session of the cortes was signalized by a furious attack by Moret on Maura and La Cierva, who were accused of having sacrificed Ferrer to the resentment of their clerical task-masters. The Gov ernment had been already weakened by the news of Marshal Marina's reverse in Morocco (Sept. 3o) ; to this new attack it succumbed, Senor Maura resigning on Oct. 21, 1909.

Moret Ministry, 1909-10.

On the 22nd the formation of a new cabinet under Senor Moret was announced. It sent General Weyler to keep Barcelona in order, caused the release of most of the prisoners in Monjuich, reduced the forces in Morocco, reopened negotiations with Rome for a modification of the con cordat, and on Dec. 31, the end of the financial year, was respon sible for the issue of a royal decree stating that the budget would remain in force until the cortes could pass a new one. But, mean while, the municipal elections, under the new Local Administra tion law, had resulted in a triumph of the Liberals (Dec. 12). Moret therefore considered the time ripe for a dissolution ; the king, however, refused to consent, and on Feb. 9, 1910 the ministry resigned. The new cabinet, with the radical Senor Canalejas as president of the council, included members of the various Liberal and Radical groups.

Canalejas Ministry, 1910-12.

Selior Canalejas was regarded as a sincere Liberal who was determined to carry out the programme of the Left, especially with regard to the so-called clerical question and that of the latifundia of certain parts of Spain. There was, however, in some quarters a doubt as to

whether he had force of character enough to overcome his diffi culties. This doubt was dispelled. In the course of 1910 and 1911 certain indications showed that his policy might be successful.

The Clerical Question.

As regards the clerical question, it was not long before the Government showed that it was in earnest. On May 31 the official Gaceta published a decree setting forth the rules to which the religious associations would have to submit. It was pointed out that, in conformity with the decree of April 9, 1902, it had become necessary to coerce those con gregations and associations which had not fulfilled the formalities prescribed by the law of 1887, and also those engaged in com merce and industry which had not taken out patents with a view to their taxation.

In the speech from the throne at the opening of the new cortes (June 16) the king declared that his Government would "strive to give expression to the public aspirations for the reduction and control of the excessive number of orders and religious orders, without impairing their independence in spiritual matters," and in introducing a bill for the amendment of the law of 1887. Senor Canalejas declared that the Government, "inspired by the uni versal spirit of liberty of conscience," had given to article xi. of the constitution "the full sense of its text." Religious Toleration.—"Liberty of conscience," a principle condemned by the Syllabus of 1864 and discountenanced by the encyclical Pascendi gregis of 1905, was hardly a phrase calcu lated to conciliate the Spanish clergy, still less the Vatican. A cry went up that to allow dissident Churches to announce their presence was to insult and persecute the Catholic Church; at Rome the decree was attacked as unconstitutional, and as a breach of diplomatic propriety all the more reprehensible since negotia tions for a revision of the concordat were actually pending. A violent clerical agitation, encouraged by the Vatican, was started, 72 Spanish archbishops and bishops presenting a joint protest to the Government. Fuel was added to the fire by the introduction of a bill—known as the "Cadena's bill"—forbidding the settle ment of further congregations in Spain until the negotiations with the Vatican should have been completed. This was denounced at Rome as a unilateral assertion on the part of the Spanish Government of an authority which, under the concordat, belonged to the Holy See as well. As a preliminary to negotiation, the Government was required to rescind all the obnoxious measures.

This demand broke the patience of the prime minister, and on July 3o, Senor de Ojeda, Spanish ambassador at the Vatican, was instructed to hand in his papers. In Vatican circles dark hints began to be dropped of a possible rapprochement with Don Jaime, who had succeeded his father Don Carlos, on July 18, 1909, as the representative of Spanish legitimacy and Catholic orthodoxy. The pretender, indeed, disclaimed any intention of stirring up civil war in Spain; his mission would be to restore order when the country should have wearied of the republican regime whose speedy advent he foresaw. The fulfilment of the first part of this prophecy seemed to some to be brought a step nearer by the overthrow of the monarchy in Portugal on Oct. 5, 191o. For Spain its immediate effect was to threaten a great increase of the difficulties of the Government, by the immigration of the whole mass of religious congregations expelled from Portu gal by one of the first acts of the new regime.

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