Rhodesia

The mining industry on the Rand had grown very rapidly. At first there was the usual rush and struggle on the gold fields, but in four or five years, while there was the inevitable gathering of undesirables and of those who never intended to settle, there was too a settled community—mainly British—decent and hard work ing, and capable of voicing its grievances. The feeling enter tained towards the president was shown in an unfortunate inci dent when he visited Johannesburg in 189o. The Transvaal flag flying over the landdrost's house was pulled down by the mob. Kruger was greatly incensed, and for years he quoted it as a rea son against granting uitlander claims.

First Reform Movement.

Representations made to the Government at Pretoria in the year 1890 were unavailing, and by 1892 the uitlanders felt that to obtain redress both for their political and economic grievances they must resort to combined action. What became known as the first reform movement was then started. The Transvaal National Union was formed by mer cantile and professional men and artisans. The chairman was J. Tudhope, an ex-minister of Cape Colony, and its most prom inent members Charles Leonard and his brother James Leonard, ex-attorney-general of Cape Colony. Both the Leonards, as well as many of their followers, were South Africans by birth. They, in common with the great bulk of the uitlanders, recog nized that the State had every right to have its independence respected. But they asserted that a narrow and retrogressive policy, such as Kruger was following, was the very thing to en danger that independence. The legitimacy of uitlander aspira tions were recognized by a few Boer ,officials at Pretoria. But Kruger, in reply to seven delegates from the National Union, in Sept. 1892, told Charles Leonard to "go back and tell your people that I shall never give them anything. I shall never change my policy. And now let the storm burst." In 1894 British subjects in the Transvaal were commandeered to suppress a native rising. This brought a sharp and effective remonstrance from the high commissioner, Sir Henry Loch, who came up to the Transvaal, his visit to the Rand being made the occasion of a "jingo" demonstration highly offensive to the Boers and insulting to the president. Then at a banquet in Jan. 1895 in honour of the German emperor's birthday Kruger referred in glowing terms to the friendship of Germany for the Trans vaal; in May 1895 the Boer road to the sea was finally blocked by the proclamation of a British protectorate over Tongoland (which included Kosi bay). The Transvaal Government had failed to fulfil the conditions under which it might have secured Kosi bay; the definite loss of the port made the Boers angry. The really remarkable thing was that Great Britain should for so long have left open to Boer or German adventurers so tempting a harbourage.

Railway politics played their part in the drama. The goal of the railways was the Rand and it was Kruger's policy to favour Delagoa bay. Nevertheless until the railways were complete the Natalians with their ox-transport service got most of the trade. But there was much delay in building the .Portuguese section of the Delagoa line and through-rail connection between the Rand and the Cape ports came first (Sept. 1892). However, less than two years later—in May 1894—the Netherlands Railway Com pany (of which the Transvaal Government took 85% of the profits) had at last connected the Rand with Delagoa bay. Efforts made by the Cape Government to keep a fair share of the traffic failed, and to encourage trade to Delagoa bay prohibitive rates were imposed on the 3om. of the line to Cape ports within the Transvaal. The Cape retaliated by unloading goods at certain drifts (fords) over the Vaal and sending them on thence by wagon to Johannesburg. This was in Sept. 1895; in October, Kruger

closed the drifts. The Cape Government appealed to the British Government, and under an almost direct threat of war the Trans vaal gave way and the drifts were reopened in Nov. 1895. Kruger had broken the London Convention in closing the drifts and knew he was in the wrong. While this dispute was still unsettled the railway from Durban reached the Rand. Natal, it had been agreed, was to get a third of the Rand traffic.

At this time—I895—the uitlanders, according to a well in formed member of that community, owned half the land and nine-tenths of the property of the country, a statement which partly explains Kruger's determination to prevent the "stifling" of Boer nationality which he held would follow the grant of the franchise to the uitlander. But there were many burghers who held enlightened views and who saw that the admission of uit landers to the franchise—many taking up citizenship would have been South Africans—would in reality preserve the republic. These men had chosen Piet Joubert as reform candidate for the presidency in the election which occurred in 1893. All the liberal elements in the Transvaal supported Joubert ; the official figures (not, it is believed, the true figures) gave Kruger a majority of boo out of some 15,000 burghers voting. Kruger ignored pro tests and retained office. Henceforth he kept power, aided by the Hollander advisers he had gathered round him, of whom Dr. W. J. Leyds, State secretary, was the most prominent. By 1895 the great majority of the uitlanders, who had neither the wealth of the mine owners nor any civic rights, were growing desperate. Many felt that, as Kruger expected, "the storm would burst." (F. R. C.) The Jameson Raid.—At this juncture (Oct. 1895) came over tures to the leading uitlanders from Cecil Rhodes, then prime minister of Cape Colony, and from Dr. Jameson, leading to the Jameson Raid. To one or two men this scheme, subsequently known as the Jameson Plan, had been revealed in the previous June, but to the majority even of the small group of leaders it was not known till Oct. or Nov. 1895. The proposition came in a tempting hour. Between them it was arranged that Jameson should gather a force of Soo men on the Transvaal border; that the uitlanders should continue their agitation ; and that, should no satisfactory concession be obtained from Kruger, a combined movement of armed forces should be made against the Govern ment. The arsenal at Pretoria was to be seized; the uitlanders in Johannesburg were to rise and hold the town. Jameson was to make a rapid march to Johannesburg. Meanwhile, in order to give Kruger a final chance of making concessions with a good grace, and for the purpose of stating the uitlander case to the world, Charles Leonard, as chairman of the National Union, issued a manifesto, which concluded as follows:— What do we want? We want: (I) the establishment of this republic as a true republic; (2) a grondwet or constitution which shall be framed by competent persons selected by representatives of the whole people and framed on lines laid down by them—a constitution which shall be safeguarded against hasty alteration ; (3) an equitable franchise law and fair representation; (4) equality of the Dutch and English languages; (5) responsibility of the legislature to the heads of the great departments; (6) removal of religious disabilities; (7) independence of the courts of justice, with adequate and secured remuneration of the judges; (8) liberal and compre hensive education ; (9) efficient civil service, with adequate provision for pay and pension; (io) free trade in South African products.