Variations of the relationship between totem-group and totem, are considerable in different parts of the world. In the first place, the totem shows extraordinary variety. While an animal-species is the most usual form of totem, plant-species are by no means uncommon, and classes of material objects are occasionally found : even abstract qualities, such as "pride," the totem of a clan of a weaver caste in Madras, and "red," the totem of an Omaha 'clan. A peculiar variety of totem is the split totem, in which only part of a thing is the totem ; e.g., instead of buffaloes, buffalo tongues occur as the totem of one Omaha sub-clan. No doubt, split totems are the result of division of a totemic group into several groups. Cross-totems, however, are less intelligible. A cross-totem con sists of one part of more than one kind of thing ; e.g., the ends of things are the cross-totem of a certain Samoan group, the ears of animals of any species the totem of a Mahili clan, Bengal. Again, one totemic group may have a number of totems, which are then called linked totems; e.g., clans in south-east New Guinea are always associated with a species of bird, of plant, of fish and of snake, the last three being subordinate to the bird totem.
Although there are considerable differences in the relation be tween totem-group and totem, owing to differences in the kind of totem, there are also great differences between tribes, apart from this. In one tribe we may find a strong avoidance of the totem-animal, which may neither be killed nor eaten, while in other tribes the same animal may be killed with comparative im punity. Nevertheless, this tabu on killing or eating the totem seems to be typical of totemism, and some avoidances in connec tion with the totem are probably present in all cases. But although these tabus may be of great severity--an offender may be severely punished by his totem-group, and, if not punished by his own totem-group, may yet be supposed to suffer through the action of the totem itself—they apply only to the particular totem group. For example, an Australian, whose totem is the witchetty grub, will respect and avoid this animal, but will not hinder his friends and relations of other clans from making use of this food, and will even conduct ceremonies of which the avowed object is the increase of the totem, so as to provide food for other clans in the tribe. In some cases, the totemic tabus must be observed by persons outside the totem-group; e.g., in south-east New Guinea, where a man is a member of the totem-group of his mother, the totems of the father are even more rigidly tabu than his own totems ; and amongst the totemic peoples of Africa, it is common for a woman to adopt the totem-avoidances of her husband. Curiously enough, associated with severe tabus on the killing of the totem a totemic sacrifice has been reported from Australia, in which the totem-animal is cruelly killed and eaten.
The totemic tabu is usually associated with a belief in some sort of kinship between the totemic group and the totem, which makes the tabu more intelligible. In line with this is the frequent belief in descent from the totem, or of totem and totem-group from some common ancestor. Another expression of this attitude towards the totem is the performance of ceremonies, in which the totem is represented symbolically or realistically. Badges, masks
and mutilations may also be used to make this identification. Finally, although worship of the totem or prayer never occurs— animal worship has little in common with totemism—it is not un usual for the totemic group to believe that members of the totem species assist the group by means of omens, or in other ways. Such being the general characteristics of totemism in all those cases which it is convenient to regard as totemism, a survey of the chief areas of totemism will reveal the diversity of form which totemism takes.