The militant left wing was in the ascendant during the earlier years of the trade depression. It reached its maximum influ ence at the Trades Union congress in 1925. The National Strike and the prolonged coal stoppage in the following year, whilst cre ating a despair which provided a fertile soil for Communist propaganda particularly in the mining areas, ultimately resulted in a definite swing to the right. On the coalfields a "non-political" form of trade unionism secured a precarious foothold. In other unions Communist influence waned after the events of 1926 and some trade union organisations excluded Communists and mem bers of the National Minority Movement from representative positions. The Trades Union congress of 1927 indicated a clear change of attitude and the trade unions at their congress in 1928 repudiated the policy and tactics of the left wing, condemned its disruptionist activities, and declared by an overwhelming ma jority in favour of the continuance of the "Mond-Turner" con sultations, a series of conversations between the general council and a group of prominent employers, with the object of securing as far as possible peace in industry.
The factors which have led a minority of trade unionists into the ranks of Communism and the National Minority Movement (which it may be said includes a considerable proportion of workers who could not be described as Communists) have led a far greater number to a realisation of the need for a clearly conceived industrial policy for the trade union movement. The establishment of the general council of the Trades Union con gress, the enlargement of its powers, and the large extension of its activities were an expression of this need. One of the first problems, however, is that of the organisation of trade unionism; for clearly the success of any industrial policy must depend in the last resort on the efficiency of trade union organisation.
Trade Union Organisation and Policy.—So long ago as 1910 and 1911 the Congress committed itself to the principle of organisation by industry, and in 1911 urged the parliamentary committee to call conferences of the different industries "with a view of amalgamating the several trade unions connected with each industry." This somewhat crude principle was interpreted in a reasoned resolution adopted by the congress in 1918, when it was agreed (a) that the organisation of an industrial union should allow for the maintenance within the union of each distinct craft combination and for the possibility of federating such combina tions with like bodies outside the union for specific purposes; and (b) that every craft union and general labour union should allow sectional combinations within the union, on industrial or occupational lines, so as to facilitate inter-union federations, and, if circumstances require, the transfer of a section to any more appropriate union.
In 1922 the Trades Union congress instructed the general coun cil to make an enquiry into the present organisation of the trade union movement as a necessary basis for a policy of closer uni fication. The Hull congress of 1924 adopted a resolution declaring that "the time has arrived when the number of trade unions should be reduced to an absolute minimum" and that "the airr should be as far as possible organisation by industry with every worker a member of the appropriate organisation." The congress called upon the general council to prepare a scheme, and a commit tee was appointed. A memorandum by W. M. Citrine on the sub ject was published in the annual report of the congress for 1925. The report which was submitted to the T.U.C. in 1927 boldly admits the defects of the existing trade union structure and method—the prevailing sectionalism, the competition between different unions for workers, varied rates of contributions and benefits, demarcation of work and the lack of a co-ordinated policy. The council, which has taken an active part in promoting confer ences of unions with the object of assisting amalgamation, realises that "the real driving force must come from the unions them selves." It sees no value in laying down a hard and fast scheme, but believes that joint working arrangements should be made wherever possible. After the congress of 1927, the general coun cil circularised the affiliated unions on their attitude towards amalgamation and joint working. In most cases the unions were in favour of the latter, many were in favour of the former, whilst some were impressed by the difficulties and past failures as re gards amalgamation. The Swansea Trades Union congress of 1928 adopted by a large majority a resolution calling upon the general council "to appoint a reorganisation commission to review the situation of the workers in the principal industries in the light of the material which it has at its disposal, and to formulate suggestions for the speedy reorganisation of the trade union movement." It is certain that the conflicting claims of pure and unadulterated industrial unionism, occupational union ism, federal unionism, and craft unionism, will necessitate some composite method which, within the framework of the indus try, permits variety of organisation to meet the needs of special crafts and groups, but, at the same time, one which is compre hensive enough to cover as wide a ground as the modern organisa tions of capital.