9 Elections and Political Parties

But with the adoption of the so-called Australian ballot politi cal parties still had, and have, sufficient power to determine the form of that ballot. Massachusetts and a few other States have adopted a plan under which the names of the candidates are grouped under the titles of the offices; though under the Massa chusetts plan the party to which each candidate belongs follows the name of the candidate. This arrangement of the ballot makes it necessary for the voter to mark separately on his ballot the name of each candidate for whom he desires to vote. Most of the States, however, have adopted the so-called "party-column" ballot. The party-column ballot varies in different States, but its fundamental idea is that all of the candidates for one party shall appear in a single column, so that a voter may vote for all of them by placing one mark upon the ballot. If the voter does not wish to vote the party ticket, he is put to the burden of marking each of the candidates for whom he wishes to vote, or at least each candidate not belonging to his own party.

The methods of party nomination next came under State control. Serious abuses in the party convention system for the nomination of candidates and the framing of party platforms led to legislation regulating the convention ; but such regulation did not appear sufficient. The primary election system (see PRI MARIES) has now been established in some form in all but two of the States, although recently there has been a strong political movement against primary elections and some gain for the older convention system. Where the primary system has been adopted, conventions normally remain, with more limited functions.

Control by law over the official ballot and over the methods of party nomination has naturally been followed by a detailed regulation of the machinery of party organization. Through pri mary elections, the party voters in most of the States choose their party committeemen. State laws determine the power of such party committeemen, and also determine the manner in which they shall form the various party governing bodies. State laws also determine how party organizations shall frame platforms. Governmental regulation of political parties has largely been occasioned by a feeling that party organizations themselves con trol the government, and that they should, rather, be controlled by the Government. But governmental regulation has not weak ened political parties.

When it is first created, a party usually stands for some politi cal principle as opposed to other parties. Ordinarily, however, parties are merely convenient devices for the operation of Gov ernment, and for presenting political issues to the voters when such issues arise. Political issues are not created merely by the

existence of two opposing parties ; and during much of the time no real issues exist upon the basis of which parties may oppose each other. At such times parties proclaim principles, but have no sharp differences. When issues are altogether absent, parties still perform the functions of narrowing the choice of the voter, and of uniting candidates into groups for final elections.

The

political expert (who is termed "boss" if sufficiently suc cessful) has the tasks of keeping the party organization together; getting party members to the polls ; and rewarding political service. He can perhaps be more successful if he holds no office, because by holding office he divides his energies and subjects himself to personal criticism for possible errors of political con duct. Each political group has its precinct and ward committee men, who are normally on the public payroll (local, State or National), if their group is in power, and whose continuance on that payroll depends upon their efficiency, not as public em ployees, but in controlling the vote of the precinct or ward. The spoils of office and the grosser forms of political corruption are the lesser coin of political organizations. Gross corruption reacts upon those who practice it. But there are contracts to be let, without too great an insistence on standards, and other similar opportunities for continuous profit. Furthermore, important busi ness and professional interests in a community usually cooperate with the organization in return for special favours.

With party organization a vast and complex mechanism, nomi nation and election to office almost of necessity come, in most cases, as a reward for service in the party organization. No man or woman who lacks the support of a party organization has much opportunity either to be nominated or elected, though an inde pendent candidate may occasionally win, in case of great popular upheaval. Even under such conditions, the independent candidate who wins must almost necessarily have financial resources suffi cient to set up a rival organization of his own. Many States have enacted statutes limiting expenditures of candidates in party primaries and in elections, but such laws have not been effectively enforced. When enforced they operate in favour of the candidate sponsored by the political organization. Those who come to office usually do so only after a long apprenticeship in party service, which has worn off the fine edge of youthful idealism.