Alexander

ALEXANDER ranks next to Washington among the statesmen of the period immediately following the war of the revolution. Jefferson transcended him neither in patriotism nor ability, but only in a clearer recognition amid bolder asser tion of popular rights as against established precedents. IIe played a part in tire forma tion and early administration of tire national government, without which it is at least doubtful whether it would ]rave proved a success. If inn some respects he was too con servative to suit the prevailing tendencies of than period, it is probable that for that very reason ire was all the better qualified to guide the country in its transition from the ancient subserviency to the new indcpcndcuce. No man saw more clearly than himself tine necessity of throwing off the yoke which Great Britain sought to impose upon the colonies, and few if any rendered more valuable service than he in the cause of iudepend ence; and his distrust of dt ntbsritey a4 expounded nfidapplied Jrsort was no doubt shared by many of the lights of that day, including Washington hittisclf. IIe espoused the national cause with all the ardor of youthful patriotism, but when the time came to organize the new government he was fearful of too wide a departure from the ancient British models. He first attracted public notice by a remarkable poiitical speech which he delivered when only 17 years of age, while he was a student in Columbia college, and iu the next two years his writings in defense of the American cause displayed such ability that, in part at least,. they were for a time attributed to John Jay. Ile enlisted as a soldier early in 1776, and was commissioned as a capt. of artillery. He soon attracted the notice of Washington, who at once recognized his extraordinary ability. He took part in the battle of White Plains, shared the retreat of the American forces through New Jersey, and fought at Trenton and Princeton. In March, 1777, he accepted the appointment of aid-de-camp on Washington's staff, and was of great assistance to him In the conduct of his large and very perplexing correspondence. The commander-in chief indeed found in him, in spite of his youthfulness, an adviSer on whose judgment in the most delicate and confidential matters he could safely rely. He took part in the battles of Brandywine and Germantown, and spent the winter with his chief at Valley Forge. He was present at the battle of Monmouth in 1778, and in the duel which fol lowed between Laurens and Lee, acted as second of the former. When the French admiral D'Estaing arrived at Sandy Hook, Hamilton was sent to confer with him as to the part he was to take in the war. He was at West Point when Arndld's treachery was discovered, and earnestly advised Washington to yield to Andre's request to be shot and not hung. In 1780 lie married a daughter of Philip Schuyler, and shortly afterwards, taking offense at what lie thought an undeserved rebuke from Washington, tendered his resignation upon the spot, and refused to withdraw it, notwithstanding Washington made an apology. This occurrence, however, did not permanently inter rupt their friendly relations. Hamilton was appointed commander of a New York battalion, and at the siege of Yorktown led a successful assault upon one of the British outworks. In 1782, having studied for a time with his father-in-law in Albany, he was admitted to the bar. He was shortly afterwards elected by the legislature of NCNV York a delegate to tile continental congress, in which capacity he took an active part in the settlement of important questions growing out of the war. He was one of the first to see the utter inadequacy of the articles of confederation as the framework of a national government. After the evacuation of New York by the British, he resigned his seat in congress and entered upon the practice of the law in that city. A large number of tory lawyers having been excluded from practice by act of the legislature, the young attor ney found a wide field open before him, and at once achieved a marked success. He distinguished himself especially in certain suits arising out of the war, in which he took a position opposed to the public sentiment of the time, defending it with masterly abil ity and convincing the judgment of the court. From the first he displayed remarkable ability in handling questions of finance, and naturally enough took an active part in establishing the bank of New York. He was also one of the founders of the New York manumission society, sharing the hostility to slavery common among the most eminent patriots of his time. He also took an honorable part in the settlement of the differ ences between New York and Vermont, by which the bitter became an independent state. His services in the convention of 1787, which framed the constitution of the United States, were of the highest value. He saw that the articles of confederation were a rope of sand, and that it was impossible to organize under them a government that would foster the instinct of nationality and command the respect of the world. His colleagues from New York were strongly opposed to him, and there was in the convention a morbid hostility to any plan tending to dwarf the powers of the states. By his efforts and those of other men likeminded, the tide was turned at length in favor of a national government that should rest upon the authority not of the states but of the people, and that should have power to defend. itself alike against foreign and domestic foes. He offered a written sketch of such a government, differing in many respects from the one afterwards adopted, but illustrating the conservatism of the period. He was absent from the convention for a time, and, before he returned, his New York col leagues, finding the sentiment of the body turning in favor of a strong national govern ment, resigned their seats in disgust, leaving him to represent the state alone. The constitution finally adopted did not wholly satisfy him, but when he saw that it was the best that could be obtained he supported it warmly; and no other man probably did so much as he to secure its ratification by the people. The series of 85 papers known

under the title of The Federalist, of which 63 were written by him, no doubt served to commend the constitution to popular favor. These papers arc still an authority upon many of the subjects therein discussed, and well deserve the place they hold in the political literature of the nation. Madison and Jay took part with Hamilton in their composition, though they were for the most part his own work. When Washington was chosen president, he selected Hamilton for secretary of the treasury—a post for which he was especially fitted, and in which his services were of the highest value to the country. He successfully resisted every scheme for repudiating the national debt, thus establishing the credit of the nation upon a stable foundation. Some of the measures lie proposed met with a stubborn resistance, but he carried most of them suc cessfully through. His funding system won the support of the moneyed and mercantile classes, as did illictpoyA,14?)10, the latter was denounced in influential quarters as dangerous to popular liberty. Upon this and some other questions he encountered the opposition of Jefferson, between whom and himself a bitter controversy arose, which led to the retirement of the former from the cabinet. It deserves to be mentioned that the policy of so imposing ditties on foreign imports as to afford protection to American manufactures, was advanced by Hamilton in a report which he presented at the first session of the second congress. Having succeeded in putting into operation the plans he lied proposed, and finding his salary inadequate to his support, he resigned at the end of six years of service, Jan. 31, 1795. and resumed the practice of the law. He was still, however, a zealous supporter of Washington's administration, using his pen efficiently to sustain the measures it proposed. Washing ton, when about to prepare his farewell address to the country, sought and received Hamilton's advice, and it is by no means improbable, in view of the well-known rela tions of the men, that the latter assisted in the preparation of that celebrated paper. Hamilton did not escape imputations upon his integrity as secretary of the treasury. An attempt was made to prove that he had taken advantage of his official position for speculative purposes. He defended himself against these charges with entire success, but in doing so made an admission that left a stain of another sort upon his private character. Letters of his to a well-known speculator, implying confidential relations between them, were produced to confirm the current suspicion. Hamilton saw that he could not successfully defend himself without explaining the occasion of the letters in question, which he did in the frank confession that they had grown out of an intrigue with the wife of his correspondent. To save his character for official and political integrity, which had been falsely assailed, he acknowledged himself guilty of what lie doubtless thought a more excusable offense. In consequence of the apprehensions of war with France, growing out of the ratification of Jay's treaty, measures were taken in 1798 to augment the army of the United States, and Washington was appointed com mande•-in-chief with the title of lieut.gen. lie accepted the position on condition that he should not he called into the .field, except in case of actual hostilities, and that Ham ilton as maj gen. should attend to the work of organizing the army. After the death of in 1799, Hamilton was appointed commander-in-chief; but the war cloud passed away, and he resumed the practice of the law in New York. He was, however, a conspicuous leader of the federal party, and took an active part in the politi cal controversies of the time. Aaron Burr was a leader of the democratic party, and there sprang up between the two men a hostility which neither cared to disguise. Burr, embittered by his failure to be elected president, partly through Hamilton's influence, sought an election as governor of New York, hoping for success by the help of the federalists. But here again the influence of Hamilton barred his way, and he was defeated. In his exasperation he called upon Hamilton to disavow certain expressions derogatory to himself which he was assumed to have uttered. Failing to procure the desired disavowal, he challenged Hamilton. The latter felt himself compelled, for reasons of a public nature, to accept the challenge, and the duel was fought at Wee hawken, July 11, 1804, and Hamilton at the first tire was mortally wounded, dying the next day. His death had the effect of rousing a public sentiment against dueling such as had not before existed in the northern states. Burr lived for 32 years after this, but with the stigma upon his character from which be never recovered. By multitudes he was denounced and shunned as a murderer. Hamilton's widow died in 1S54 at the age of 97. His son, John C. Hamilton, wrote his life arid compiled his works; the former On 2 vols., 8vo.) in 1851. On Nov. 23, 1880, a granite statue of Hamilton was unveiled in Central nark, New York, in the presence of members of the society of the Cincinnati, of gen. U. S. Grant, ex•gov. Bullock of Massachusetts, the mayor of the city, and of other distinguished personages, besides it large concourse of spectators. The statue is the work of Charles Conrads, and was presented to the city of New York by John C. Hamilton, a son of Alexander Hamilton. Talleyrand, when in New York, on seeing Hamilton at work late at night in his office, said of him: "I have seen one of the won ders of the world. I have seen a man laboring all night to support his family, who has made the fortune of a nation." And again: " I consider Napoleon, Fox, an Hamilton the three greatest men of our epoch, and without hesitation I award the first place to Hamilton."