In 1857 he was elected to the United States senate, where, before the breaking out of the rebellion, he was conspicuous in advocating the 160-acres homestead act; and chiefly through his influence the bill was passed, but it was vetoed by president Buchanan. In 1858 Jefferson Davis, because, as he alleged, of Indian and Mormon troubles, proposed a considerable addition to the regular army. Johnson opposed it, and finally instead of a lcmporary addition of 4,000 men the bill when passed authorized but two regiments to :serve a year and a half only. Another great measure opposed by Johnson was the Pacific railroad. Thus far in a political career of 30 years he had said very little on the slavery question, observing the silence characteristic of the party to which he belonged; but he never failed to place the question of the union of the states far above the exist ence or extinction of slavery. In the democratic national convention of 1860 the dele gates from Tennessee put Johnson forward as their candidate for president, but he did not come near the nomination. In his own state he began a vigorous support of Brecken ridge, who was the candidate of the extreme pro-slavery section of the party. Soon discovering, however, that secession was contemplated, he went directly against Brecken ridge, and gave loyal support in the senate to the cause of union. While he was speak int against secession in the senate, his state, through her legislature, voted to go with the secessionists, and violence broke out everywhere. There had been a vote of the peo pie on the question of calling a convention to-consider the subject of secession, and the opponents of such a convention were largely in the majority. Therefore when the legis lature assumed to do what the people had just refused, the excitement was intense, so much so that when Johnson went home in the spring of 1861 it was at the risk of his life. Personal assaults were threatened, but his undaunted courage was well km;71-n and no one dared attack him, satisfying their spite by burning him in effigy in all the large towns in the state. He worked hard and faithfully for the union in the e. Tennessee onvention, in furnishing assistance to union fugitives, and in establishing a camp which might serve as a place of refuge. The secessionists made their nearest personal attack. upon Johnson when they turned his family out of doors and confiscated his slaves. Early in March, 1862, Johnson was made military governor of Tennessee, and he com menced his duties at Nashville about the middle of the month. He sent forth a procla mation in which he said "while it may become necessary, in vindicating the violated. majesty of the law and reasserting its imperial sway, to punish intelligent and conscious treason, no merely retaliatory or vindictive policy will be adopted." His proposed leni ency had no effect upon the determined secessionists. For a long time he labored ear nestly to bring his state back into the union; but neither mild nor harsh measures pro duced any good effect. On one occasion, in view of numerous outrages by secessionists, he proclaimed that "in every instance in which a union man is arrested and maltreated. by marauding bands, five or more rebels from the most prominent in the immediate neighborhood shall be arrested, imprisoned, and otherwise dealt with as the case may require; and further, in all cases where the property of citizens loyal to the government. of the United States is taken or destroyed, full and ample remuneration shall be made to them out of the property of such rebels in the vicinity as have sympathized with and given aid, comfort, information, or encouragement to the parties committing such depredations." Near the beginning of Mar., 1864, under Johnson's special orders, Tennessee elected officers, both state and local, and the wheels of an ordinary govern ment began to move. Three months afterwards Andrew Johnson was nominated for vice-president on the ticket with 3.11. Lincoln. He was elected and inaugurated Mar_ 4, 1865. His remarkable address ou that occasion was the cause of deep regret not only among his friends, but among all loyal people. Six weeks afterwards Mr. Lincoln was shot by Booth, and the tailor's apprentice of Raleigh became president of the United States.
This was the third time that a vice-president had risen to the executive office through the accident of death, and in this case, as in the cases preceding, the incumbent was soon at variance with the party that elected him. President Harrison died April, 1841, one month after his inauguration, and vice-president Tyler took the chair. In less than months he had estran,ged his whig supporters by vetoing an act for the creation of a national bank, the fiscal bank of the United States, which act had been passed at his express desire. The bill was modified, again passed, and again vetoed. Then his net, with the exception of Mr. Webster, the secretary of state, resigned. A cabinet of whom nearly all were democrats. By these and other acts the first dental" president lost the confidence of the Whigs without gaining- that of the democrats. He was nominated for president, but after three mouths consideration withdrew name. President Taylor died July 9, 1850, a year and four months after his installation, and vice-president Fillmore succeeded to the chief office. He adhered to the whig party, but his approval of the law for the return of fugitive slaves gave great offense to a large-- number of his supporters. To the mere approval he added a proclamation in which he denounced interference in the case of captured fugitives, and ,declared that he would enforce the law at all hazards. The result of his administration was the overthrow of" the old whig party and the capture of all branches of the government by the democrats. Andrew Johnson, on taking the executive chair, made a brief speech, which was stood to mean that he would deal with the utmost severity with the authors of the lion, which had been crushed only a few days before by the surrender of Lee. He said: "The American people must be taught, if they do not already feel, that treason is a. crime and must be punished; that the government will not always bear with its enemies; that it is strong, not only to protect but to punish. The people must understand that it. [treason) is the blackest of crimes and will be surely punished." Instead of this policy his course was the very opposite. He hastened to bring Virginia back to the union, and near the close of June he brushed aside all regulations with regard to trade with the seceding states. He proclaimed general amnesty to all (except a few specified classes) who would swear to be loyal to the union. Under his proclamations provisional governments were set up in a number of the states but a few weeks before in rebellion, and he prepared the way for them to send members to congress as if no secession had occurred. These acts put him in opposition to the majority of the republicans in con gress. In all that he had done there had been no thought of securing the political rights of the freedmen, who were left entirely in the control of their late masters. Congress
appointed a committee on reconstruction and on the admission of southern members to the house, and adopted the civil rights act, adding an act to increase the power and efficiency of the freedmen's bureau. These last two bills were vetoed by president Johnson, but • they were readopted and passed by the necessary majority. This action was severely denounced by Mr. Johnson, who characterized the course of congress as another rebellion. Thenceforward the republican president was in direct antagonism to the republican majorities in the senate and how, and, it may be added, with the mass of the party in the union. In Aug. an attempt was made by a thinly-attended tion at Philadelphia to form a party to support the president's policy, but nothing came of it. The disaffection soon began to work in the cabinet, and in July three members resigned in consequence of irreconcilable differences with the president. But lie was so persistent in his course that when going with gen. Grant and others to Chicago, to ness the laying- of the foundation of a monument to the late Stephen A. Douglas, lie• took advantage of every stopping of the train to address the people in advocacy of his policy, usually adding denunciatory remarks concerning the course of the republicans in congress. Congress declared that the 14th amendment to the constitution should be ratified by every seceding state as a preliminary to readmission to the union. This amendment declared all persons born or naturalized in the union to be citizens, and, of course, included all the freedmen in the south. The president vetoed the resolu tion.During the next session acts were passed requiring the right of voting to bc granted without regard to color, in territories applying for admission as states. This, too, was vetoed; but in all cases the bills were re-passed and became laws. Mr. John son's next trouble was with the military governments and commanders. In Mar., 1867. in spite of the familiar veto, an act was passed making five military districts in the ten most important of the southern states. The president appointed the five commanders, but at the same time procured from the attorney-general, Mr. Stanbery_, an opinion as to certain legal effects of the several acts aiming at reconstruction. The opinion, the general tenor of which was to destroy the efficiency of the acts of congress, was sup ported by all the members of the cabinet except Mr. Stanton, the secretary of war. Thus fortified the president sent this opinion to the military commanders in the south as an order for their guidance. The effect was told in a report by gen. Sheridan, who said: "The result of Mr. Stanbery's opinion is beginning to show itself by defiant oppo sition in all acts of the military commander, and by impeding and rendering helpless the civil officers acting under his appointment." The next move in congress was to make the gen. of the army the sole supervisor of the acts of the military commanders. Mr. Johnson vetoed the act, but it was passed notwithstanding his objections. A few months later the president retaliated by putting new commanders over the districts. Mr. Stanton's to the Stanbery opinion was not forgotten, and in Aug. he was displaced as secretary of war, and gen. Grant was given the position for the time being. Mr. Stanton protested that his removal was in violation of the tenure-of-office law, but nothing came of his protest at the time. Aug. 20, 1867, a proclamation from the president stated that peace, order, and the supremacy of civil government existed throughout the union. Early in Sept. another amnesty proclaimed by him restored to suffrage end relieved from confiscation of property nearly all the people who had been in the secession movement. At the meeting of congress in Sept. Mr. Johnson gave the the senate his reason for removing Mr. Stanton, but the senate opposed the removal, thus replacing the secretary. Five months afterwards he again removed Stanton, and put Lorenzo Thomas in his place. The senate immediately resolved that "the presi dent has no power to remove the secretary of war and designate any other person to per form the duties of that office." Mr. Johnson's long contest with congress was drawing to a dramatic close. The day after the adoption of the resolutions by the senate, the house of representatives determined upon the president's impeachment; the vote being 126 in favor and 47 against such action. The articles of impeachment, eleven in all, recited many offenses, the principal of which were the removal of the secretary of war; the public expression of disregard of and contempt for the legislative branch of the gov ernment, the declaration that the one in session was not a constitutional congress, and particularly his obstruction to the execution of congressional acts. The trial com menced on Mar. 23, Mr. Stanbery (attorney-general) and judges Curtis and Nelson being the president's counsel. The main point of the defense was that Mr. Johnson's course in the work of reconstruction was merely the continuation of a plan resolved upon by president Lincoln and the members of the cabinet. In the senate, sitting as. the court of impeachment, the final vote on contempt for congress and on the Stanton, removal was: guilty, 35; not guilty 19. This amounted to an acquittal, as it requires two-thirds of the senate to declare a defendant guilty. As soon as the trial was over Mr. Stanton voluntarily gave up his office and was succeeded by gen. Schofield.
At the democratic national convention in New York, July 4, 1868, Mr. Johnson's name was among the list of candidates for president. On the first ballot he had 65 votes, standing second on the list, Pendleton having 105. But his vote rapidly until, on the 19th ballot, his name did not appear. On the same day Mr. John. son proclaimed pardon to all persons except such as might be under indictment before a federal court. On Christmas (lay, 1868, he proclaimed complete pardon to all who had directly or indirectly concerned in secession, or in any way taken part in the war against the union. This was his last important official act. He was succeeded, Mar. 4, 1869, by gen. Grant, and at once repaired to his home in Greenville. Anxious to return to political life he sought the place of senator from Tennessee, and came within three votes of getting it. Two years later (1872) lie ran as an independent candidate for con gress, but the result was to elect the republican nominee. But in Jan., 1875, lie was chosen U. S. senator, and was in his seat during the short extra session in Mar., his only noteworthy act being a speech against the recognition of the Kellogg government in Louisiana. For a man with so few early advantages—which may have accounted for his narrowness and obstinacy—lie showed great ability, courage, and political acu men, while his honesty was never doubted.