After the treaty of peace in Mar., 1871, Thiers called him to the command of the army of Versailles, to recover Paris from the commune. After an energetic siege Mac Mahon entered the city May 21, and on the 28th, after seven days of sanguinary fightincr with the desperate forces of the commune and their conflagrations, he WaS master of the city. In September, in submitting to an examination concerning the cause of the dis asters of the French army in the beginning of the war with the Germans, he generously took upon himself the blame of the first defeats. When Thiers announced that he favored the establishment of a conservative republic, MacMahon was urged to assume dictatorial powers. He refused, and gave his hearty support to the Thiers government. But the clerical and royalist parties combined to place Tillers in midi a minority that, after his definitive resignation in May, 1873, as chief executive, they united to elect MacMahon provisional president of France. The object was to insure the peace of France, while each royalist faction was preparing to Ming in its king. MacMahou accepted the functions of president of the republic, with the remark that the vote " brought no modification of the laws or of existing institutions." His message to the assembly breathed a simple desire to conform his acts to its will as their sentinel, ser vant, and executor. His military habits and predilections made his administration seem to tend to monarchical reaction. But the subsequent years proved that, whatever may have been his private predilections, he intended to conform conscientiously to his inau gural promise to obey and to enforce the laws. Nov. 19, 1873, his term of office was extended to 1880. His powers were ahnost imperial. He alone, during his term, had the right to propose a revision of the laws. Jan. 13, 1876, lie addressed a letter to the French people on the CVO of the first general election under the constitution of 1875. In this address he announced his policy as "conservative and liberal "—a policy of repose for France, whose " institutions ought not to be revised before they are honestly tried:" all whose parties, therefore, were urged to rally around his government. This frank appeal was met by an unexpected return of 6: laro.ely increased number of repub licans tolhe assembly. There was a growing fear in frame that the personal govern ment of MacMahon, however honest he might be, was too like the imperial regime, and tended to some new form of despotism. The pronounced republicans had a clear majority over their cornbined opponents. MacMahon, in deference to public opinion, changed his cabinet in part to represent the views of the republican majority, and the new assembly, at its convention, gave a hearty support to the executive, and emphasized the desire of France to preserve order at home and peace abroad. On the second ses sion of the assembly, Dec., 1876, the government found itself in a minority, and some friction took place between the president's desires and those of the majority, which resulted in a compromise, by which Jules Simon, a sterling republican, was made vice president of the council of ministers, and Martel minister of justice and religion. The president had opposed and secured the defeat of a motion of Victor Hugo for the par don of the banished communists; but during the year following he pardoned a large number of them by virtue of his 'powers under the' constitution. In April, 1877, the bishop of Nevers wrote to the president, calling upon him to draw the sword against Italy for " the prisoner of the Vatican." to which lie sent an answer that the bishop had exceeded the functions of his office. May16 a crisis in the government was precipitated by a letter from the president to his chief minister, jules Simon, suggesting that his policy was not satisfactory. The latter immediately tendered his resignation, which was at once accepted. This action was supposed to mark a determination to break with the republicans, and to support one of the parties of the right. At the opening of the chamber the following day, Gambetta made a motion: "that the confidence of the majority can be accorded.only to a cabinent free in its action, and. resolved to govern according to republican principles, which alone can guarantee order and prosperity at home and peace abroad." This was adopted by a vote of 355 to 154. A new cabinet was announced May 18, and the president addressed a message to the chambers in explanation of his policy, in which lie called attention to his scrupulous adherence to the constitution of 1875 and to his selection of two successive ministers, Dufaure and Simon, for the supposed harmony of their views with the majority of the assembly; but that neither of them had been able to carry their measures by a majority; and that after these two attempts, equally devoid of success, he "could not take a step furtber in tho same path without appealing to, or demanding support from, another section of the republican party—that which thinks the republic cannot be firmly established without having, as a complement and consequence, the radical modification of all our great institutions—judicial, financial, anti military administrations. This pro gramme is well known. Those who profess it are agreed on all it contains," etc. . . . " _Neither my conscience 1101' my patriotism permits me to share, even afar off and as regards the future, in the triumph of these ideas. I do not think it opportune, either to-day or to-morrow or at any period, that they should prevail. . . . I will neither try its application myself, nor facilitate its trial by my successors. As long as I am the depositary of power, I shall make use of it to the whole extent of its legal limits to oppose what I regard as the ruin of my country. But I am convinced that the country thinks as I do. It was not the triumph of these theories which it wished at the last elections." With much more of the same tenor, outspoken and decisive as to his dis trust of the republic as outlined by Gambetta and the left, he decreed, by virtue of his power under the constitution, the adjournment of the chambers for one month. Within four days after the new ministry assumed office, prefects were changed in 62 depart ments, 225 out of 227 sub-prefectures received new offices, and all the influence and power of the government was developed to create a pressure of public opinion in its support. The day the message was read in the chambers, the deputies of the left, with Thiers at ;their head, prepared an address to the country, expressing the hope that " the nation will show, by its coolness, patience, and resolution, that an incorrigble minority cannot -wrest from it its own government." Thus, the issue was fairly made up between the republicans and the bold and frank statement of the president that he wished to be supported in the singleness of his power. May 28, de Broglie, now chief minister, issued a circular, explaining that the president, in exercising his constitutional prerog,a live, intervened to arrest the progress of radical theories, etc., etc., and authorizing .officers under the government to be vigilant to repress apologies for the commune and abuse of the president, and for the protection of morality, religion, and property. The president's new cabinet savored strongly of an intention to mold politics in France so as to promote the return of the young Napoleon to the imperial throne. Legitimists were excluded from it. June 11, their leader questioned the president as to the meaning of this action and as to a. report, gaining. credence, that he meditated a prolongation of bis own power. They were assured that, " AS to the legitimist candidates" (to the chamber of deputies), "they belong to the conservative groups, and any legitimist can didate really having any chance of success will be openly and loyally supported by the administration. With respect to schemes of prolonging my tenure of office during the prorogation, you may rest assured that I entertain none. I have received my right to remain in office until 1880 from the assembly, and I shall remain, unless a contingency I shall immediately point out to you shall arise. . . . I shall lend myself to no •coup de main, whatever. Let me also tell you that I shall lend myself to no venture of imperial, of monarchic restoration. . . . I shall participate in nothing favorable to ,the restoration, either of the prince imperial or of the comte de Chambord or of the conite de Paris. I am until 1880 invested with definite power by the constitution. I .sliall exercise that power, according to circumstances, to its full extent. . . . It will, perhaps, be necessary to demand a dissolution. If you accord it me, I shall use it as well as possible. If you refuse it, I should then have two forces out of three against me, and should withdraw." When both chambers reassembled, June 16, the duc de Broglie ascended the tribune of the senate and read a message from the president asking their assent to the dissolu tion of the chamber of deputies. The message alluded to the manifesto signed by more than 300 deputies, protesting against the use made of his constitutional prerogative in proroguing the assembly, and to their appeals to their constituencies to oppose his measures, aud deprecated the agitation which they were producing. It foretokened a prompt dissolution of the assembly, and an appeal to the country in a general election for new delegates. " -Warned in- time, guarding against all misunderstanding, and ambiguity, France, I am sure, will do justice to iny- intention, and will choose for lier representatives those who will promise to second me." To the chamber of deputies the
president addressed a message, of which the following is a part, which WaS read from the tribune by Fortou, minister of the interior: " The president of the republic remains convinced, after two sincere but fruitless trials, that no ministry can hope to muster a durable majority in this assembly without asking to be backed by the party which professes radical doctrines, and without thereby promoting the progress of them. Full of respect for the institutions which govern us, and resolved to maintain them intact, he thinks himself entitled to employ all the prerogatives which they- gave him to resist another step being taken in a path which seems to him to lead to the ruin and degradation of the country. He has chosen ministers who share his idea in this respect, and assume in the eyes of France the reSponsibility of it." The debate which followed between Porton, Garnbetta, and Decazes was stormy, and the right undertook to stifle it with their turmoil. The vote on the dissolution passed the senate by 150 to 130. 'The chamber of deputies was therefore dissolved, and by the same decree fresh elections for the new chamber were ordered within three months. The 363 deputies who joined in a protest against the first prorogation of the chamber, united to offer themselves a..s 4one body for re-election. Nothing in politics can exceed the frankness of both parties in stating their positions and the clearness with which the issue was placed before the country. The canvass which followed was the most vigorously contested that had ever taken place in France. The republicans of all shades united on single candidates. The -president was not so successful in ,securing unity of action, though the government pressure was used with an open energy that made its servants feel that they must leave nothing undone The minister of the interior, Fortou, in his circular. to thetn, said: 4' Functionaries of every kind are knit to the government which has appointed them by :ties which they are bound not to forget. liVe cannot permit any of them to be hostile to us. Any who will use against the government the authority which they hold from it, need expect neither toleration nor indulgence." The death of :M. Thiers, Sept. 3, was momentarily a blow to the republicans, but was turned to a source of strength by the grateful feelinoa of all France reviewing his life, and by the knowle,dve that his hand had sketchedthe plan of the campaign against the measures of president MacMahon. ,On Sept. 19 the latter issued a manifesto to the French people, in which Ile drew the line against the " radicals," and called upon Frenchmen to sustain him personally in defense of the constitution and conservatism. The address was answered by one from Tillers, which, though prepared before his death, was suitable to the occasion. He -pictured—as with a hand stretching from the tomb—how all the words recently used to create fear of the republicans had been used by every ruler who had by turns used and abused the confidence of the people of France. The means taken by the government of MacYlahon to carry the election as the day approached were more tyrannical. Gam betta's expression that after the election " the president would have to submit or resign," brought him a penalty of three months' imprisonment and 4,000 francs fine.
The election, Oct. 14, resulted in tt republican victory, by the return of 315 to 199 of the government candidates. The new chambers met Nov. 7, and elected Jules Grevy president. The government was at once called to account for its abuse of the system of cflicial candidatures, and de Broglie was ready for the question. On the 20th the president changed his ministry again, to eliminate those whom the popular verdict had made with cut power in the chamber, and nominated men of moderate views who had not become -obnoxious to the country. The following statement, made by gen. Grinmudet de Roch 'bona, the newly appointed minister of war and "president of the council, was an illy conceived defiance of the republican sentiment President Metfahon has intrusted the ministry to men outside the political struggle. They will faithfully observe the law, and afford the marshal the support which he requires to facilitate commercial intercourse and the preparations for the exposition. We shall respect and require respect for the republican laws by which we are ruled. The constitution will pass intact frozn us to our successors when president _MacHalton judges opportune to replace us by parlia mentary ministers." Jules Ferry moved "that the chamber consider that the ministry, by its composition, is a denial of the national rights of parliamentary law, and declined to cuter into relations with it;" which was carried by 323 to 208. MacMallon's new effort to maintain his personal government under the constitution was thus signally unsuccessful; :and Dec. 14, 1877, he yielded to the republicans, and ouve Dufaure full power to form a cabinet from the left. Peace was thus restored; anethe assembly, after passing essen tial appropriate bills, adjourned a week after the new ministry came into power. Eighty-two prefects were changed to represent the new republican control. On the reassembling of the chambers Jan. 8, 1878, de Ilumilly, president of the senate, alluded to the president's message of December, as showing that he was not a tool of the minis ters of the 16th of May.
In succeeding elections the republicans gained largely, and MaeMalion seemed to conform so loyally to the verdict of the country against his former policy that Gambetta supported a motion of confidence in the executive council, which passed the charaber by .a vote of 436 to 34. So strong was the reaction in the president's favor that, about this time, the republicans stiv-g4ed him as an available candidate for a second term. Mac :Halton had the honor oeopening and closing the great exposition of Paris of 1878. By the perfect order of the city, its marvelous cleanliness, and the harmony in the working ,of all the departments of the government, France showed that the republic had at last settled into a permanent beneficence. On the assembling of the chambers, Jan., 1879, a difference occurred between the president and his prime minister, Dufaure, con cerning a decree for the removal of government subordinate officials not in sympathy with the republic. Ile yielded to his ministers on the civil lists prepared by them for removal, but when it cantle to the officers of the army designated to be superseded he refused, and declared he would rather resign. The council of ministers remained firm, and insisted on the removals. At 1 P.N., Jan. 30, the marshal sent in to the council his formal resignation as president of the republic. The ministers in council then offered their resignations, conditioned that he could form another ministry that would satisfy the chambers without executing their decrees of Jan. 20. The president replied in effect that he did not believe that possible. In the afternoon of the same day the ministers ,presented to the chambers the letter of resignation of the president. It contained these words: " The cabinet, in the belief of responding to the majority in the two chambers, now proposes to me, as regards the great commands, general measures which I deem -contrary to the interests of the army, and consequently to those of the country. I cannot subscribe to them. In view of this refusal the cabinet resigns. Any other cabi net taken from the majority of the chambers would impose the same conditions on me. I accordingly . . . . . . resign the presidency of the republic. In leaving office I have the consolation of believing that, during the fifty-three years I have devoted to the service of my country as a soldier and as a citizen, I have never been guided by other senti ments than those of honor and duty, and by perfect devotion to my country." At 4.30, P.M. the two chambers assembled for joint-action to elect a president. Jules Grevy received 563 out of 713 votes, and was declared elected. Thus, within three hours and a half, the change in the executive head of the government had been made in accord ance with constitutional forms, and marshal MacMahon retired to private life honored by all parties. In March following, when the question of the impeachment of the de Broglie ministry was under discussion in the chambers, marshal MacMalion wrote to. president Grevy a letter, assuming the responsibility of the acts of his ministers of May 16, 1877, and claiming that, if they were to be impeached, he must be placed with them. The impeachment project was negatived. The ex-president is still living (1881), and. regarded as an honest and able mau, whose military education and life unfitted him, to a certain degree, to understand a republican form of government. and that order and sta bility among a people do not altogether depend on force or require a military regime to insure them.
McMICHAEL, MonToN, 1807-79; b. in Burlington co., N.J.; began at an early age to write for the press, and in 1844 became editor-in-chief of the Philadelphia North American, a daily journal of wide influence. He was an able writer and an eloquent speaker, and as a politician wielded a large influence. He was mayor of Philadelphia from 1865 to 1868, and died in tbat city.