As in all countries which had suffered severely, there was in Czecho-Slovakia a strong radical sentiment among the working classes. In the neighboring state of Hungary this finally culminated in the ascent into power of a purely Bolshevist government. This same ele ment was a powerful tendency toward disintegration in Czecho-Slovakia as well, but there it was fought more suc cessfully. On Jan. 11, 1919, an attempt was made by the Bolsheviki, or Com munists, to assassinate the Premier, Dr. Kramarz, largely on account of his declaration of policy in favor of retain ing the big landed estates intact. The attempt failed, and aroused strong popular sentiment against the minor Communist elements, but nevertheless the conservative policy of the Premier proved unpopular among the represen tatives of the people as a whole. In July, 1919, Kramarz and his Cabinet resigned in favor of the Socialists, who established a new government, with Vlastimil Tusar as Premier, Dr. Benes remaining as Foreign Minister. The Social Democrats and the Agrarians re mained the dominating parties, the first leading. This change was fully ratified by the popular elections, which took place at this time in Bohemia. On Oct. 28, 1919, President Masaryk made a memorable speech before the national Assembly, in which he formulated the policies of the Government. He ex pressed himself very strongly against Bolshevism, considering it only the frantic remedy of a desperate people beset by economic ills that had become unbearable, but at the same time, he declared, the Government would counte nance no policy of intervention either in Russia or Hungary, and Czecho Slovakia would, therefore, not join in any of the Allied efforts in that direc tion. He proclaimed the Government's policy to be that of peaceful evolution toward high ideals, which might even tually demand many radical changes, but these must be brought about grad ually and without bloodshed. He was convinced that the ideals of the Bol sheviki were not at fault; he deplored only their methods. For his Govern ment also had as its ultimate ideal the socialization of the big industries. He plainly enunciated a moderate socialist program, a startling fact, since the President had never before been asso ciated with Socialistic principles. "This policy," he said, finally, "may be termed crass materialism, but the materialism of the hungry is worthy of more con sideration than the materialism of the overfed." The words of its chief execu tive plainly indicated that Czecho-Slo vakia had joined those nations which have definitely set out on the path toward political Socialism.
During the first year the Czecho Slovak Government had already begun the formation of a strong national army. This was later augmented by the seasoned troops which arrived in small contingents from Siberia. Already, be fore the frontiers of the Republic had been definitely fixed by the international boundary commissions of the Paris Peace Conference there developed diffi culties with the neighboring states of Poland and Hungary, which on several occasions culminated in actual hostilities and military operations. In January,
1919, there had been serious operations against the Poles in western Galicia, over the Teschen district, which was still disputed territory important on ac count of its valuable coal deposits and the sovereignty of which was still to be decided by plebiscite. A month later the Czecho-Slovak troops advanced against the forces of the Hun garian Communist Government, and open warfare continued until July, when the Czecho-Slovaks were badly defeated, and were only saved from disaster by the action of the Peace Conference, in Paris, which intervened in their behalf. Great satisfaction was felt throughout the Republic when the publication of the Peace Treaty between the Allies and Germany announced the provisions in favor of Czeeho-Slovakia. By its terms it was assured of an economic outlet to the Adriatic, special rights being granted in the matter of railroad trans portation to Fiume and Trieste. Fur thermore, Germany was also bound to lease to Czecho-Slovakia, for a period of 99 years, terminal and shipping space in Hamburg and Stettin, the details of which were to be worked out by a special commission on which Germany, Great Britain, and Czecho-Slovakia were to be equally represented. A favorable outcome of the Teschen dis pute with Poland was also obtained when, in August, 1920, the Council of Ambassadors in Paris, which had been arbitrating the difficulty, awarded Cze cho-Slovakia the western district of the territory in question, containing the coal mines, Poland being awarded the city of Teschen.
In July, 1920, the popularly elected National Assembly was installed, the First National Assembly being dissolved in April. The legislative body consisted of two chambers; a Senate, of 150 mem bers, and the Chamber of Deputies, of 300 members, the members of the for mer being elected for eight years and the members of the latter for six years. The preponderance of power is, how ever, with the lower house, the Senate having little more than the veto power. At the same time President Masaryk was re-elected to office for a term of seven years. Following this there was a reorganization of the Cabinet, formal rather than real, since the personnel of the Cabinet remained practically the same, the Social Democrats and Agra rians retaining their power. Signs of future stability were in evidence, for while food was still scarce in the larger cities in 1920, on account of poor rail road transportation, the crops of 1919 had been unusually good, and those of 1920 promised to be equally abundant. In his speech before the National As sembly, after his election, the President again emphasized the socialistic of the government and the desire to accomplish this peacefully, not only within the Republic, but through peace ful relations with all other nations.