In 1900 the "Second International" was organized, in the International Socialist Bureau which was established in Brussels. This central bureau functioned until the outbreak of the World War, when, not so much through the interruption of com munications, as because of the action of the German Socialists in supporting their Government in the war, it was disrupted. Political activities, naturally, had devel oped a corresponding degree of national ism in the Socialist parties, though the Marxian program had emphasized very strongly the international character of the Socialist movement and specifically pointed out that the brotherhood of the proletariat was more important than pa triotism, which was considered merely a medium by which the ruling classes di vided the solidarity of labor. The true Marxians in Germany were represented by such leaders as Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, who refused to support the war and suffered imprisonment there for. In this country, when the time came, the Socialist party stood strongly against the war, not so much, perhaps, on account of Marxian principles, as be cause a large portion of the rank and file was of German birth.
For the first two and a half years of the war Socialism in all countries re mained practically quiescent. It had been shocked insensible by the unexpected ef fect that the war had had on itself.
Then came the revolution in Russia, in March, 1917. Essentially this began as a protest of all classes of society against the incompetence and the treason of the ruling autocracy, but the Socialists were . _ the only ones who had the organization needed to hold the revolutionary masses together, through their Council of Work ingmen Delegates, which was hastily called into being for the purpose. The Socialists only were capable of coherent action, and therefore the power fell to them. Certainly they had not had any more than their proportionate share in creating the overturn.
The rise into power of the Socialists in Russia suddenly revived Socialism in other countries. In May, 1917, the Coun cil of Workingmen Delegates, which while not itself the Government, was at any rate the biggest unit of power behind the Government, issued a call to all So cialists in other countries to hold an international conference in Stockholm, where war aims should be discussed and mutually agreed upon.
The Stockholm Conference was not held, as practically all the belligerent govern ments refused to issue passports to the delegates, but nevertheless there had been a willingness on the part of the national organizations to be represented. If the Socialists could not prevent the outbreak of the war, they felt that at least they might capture the honor of ending it.
The statesmen of the parties in power were determined that they should not have this honor, and successfully defeated their hope.
From now on there was a steady ef tort to revive the International. In the fall of 1918, after the signing of the armistice, there was held in London an Inter-Allied Labor and Socialist Congress, which found its most radical expression in an indorsement of President Wilson's "fourteen points." This conference called an international conference to be held at Berne, Switzerland, in February, 1919. To this came the German Socialist dele gates, representing not only the German Socialist Movement, but the German So cialist Government, which had been cap tured by the old German Socialist poli ticians. This conference of the Second International declared itself for "parlia mentary" Socialism; that is, for a con tinuation of the political party policies which had been adopted against the pro tests of the Marxians.
Meanwhile, in Russia, the Bolsheviki had captured, first the Council of Work ingmen Delegates, and then, in November, entire control of the government. The Bolshevist leaders were true Marxians, as they showed when they disbanded the Constituent Assembly, the creation of a parliamentary regime, and established the "dictatorship of the proletariat." They had come into power, however, not through the class consciousness of the workers, but through the discontent of the peasantry with carrying on further warfare.
The Bolsheviki repudiated the Berne Conference. This stand by the Russians immediately awoke the Marxians in all countries, and now came su..th a split as had never existed before.
On March 2-6, 1919, all these elements came together in Moscow and there, under the leadership of the Bolshevist chiefs, formed the "Third International." As the Germans formerly dominated the Second International, so now, even more auto cratically, the Russians dominated the Third International, which they term the "General Staff of the Social Revolution." The third stands for the old Marxian pro gram, by which "class consciousness" is to be developed until, it has acquired such strength that it can, by forcible means or otherwise, overthrow the capitalist system and set up its dictatorship of the proletariat.
The Second International stands for the parliamentary method. By increasing its electoral strength it hopes gradually to permeate all existing governments and so accomplish its ends more peacefully and by a more evolutionary process. Its representatives are in power in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, and, until late in 1920, were so in Sweden. It is sup ported by the Socialist party majorities in about two dozen countries.