Jeroboam originally fixed on Sheekenz as the centre of his monarchy, and fortified it ; moved perhaps not only by its natural suitability, but by the remembrances of Jacob which clove to it, and by the auspicious fact that here first Israel had de cided for him against Rehoboam. But the natural delightfulness of Tirzak (Cant. vi. 4) led him, per haps late in his reign, to erect a palace there (1 Kings xiv. 17). After the murder of jeroboam's son, Baasha seems to have intended to fix his capital at Ranzalz, as a convenient place for annoy ing the king of Judah, whom he looked on as his only dangerous enemy ; but when forced to re nounce this plan (xv. 17, 21), lie acquiesced in Tirzah, which continued to be the chief city of Israel, until Omri, who, since the palace at Tirzah had been burned during the civil war (t Kings xvi. IS), built Samaria, with the ambition not uncom mon in the founder of a new dynasty (xvi. 24). Samaria continued to the end of the monarchy to be the centre of administration ; and its strcngth appears to have justified Omri's choice. For de tails, see SAMARIA ; also TIRZAH and SHECHEM.
There is reason to believe that Jeroboam carried back with him into Israel the good-will, if not the substantial assistance, of Shishak ; and this will account for his escaping the storm from Egypt which swept over Rehoboam in his fifth year. During that first period Israel was far from quiet within. Although the ten tribes collectively had decided in favour of Jeroboam, great numbers of individuals remained attached to the family of David and to the worship at Jerusalem, and in the three first years of Rehoboam migrated into Judah (2 Chron. xi. 16, 17). Perhaps it was not until this process commenced, that Jeroboam was worked up to the desperate measure of erecting rival sanctuaries with visible idols (t Kings xii. 27): a measure which met the usual ill-success of profane state-craft, and aggravated the evil which he feared. It set him at war with the whole order of priests and Levites, whose expulsion or subjuga tion, we may be certain, was not effected without convulsing his whole kingdom, and so occupying him as to free Rehoboam from any real danger, although no peace was made. The king of Judah improved the time by immense efforts in fortifying bis territory (2 Chron. xi. 5-11) ; and, although Shishak soon after carried off the most valuable spoil, no great or definite impression could be made by Jeroboam. Israel having so far taken the place of heathen nations, and being already per haps even in alliance with Egypt, at an early period —we know not how soon—sought and obtained the friendship of the kings of Damascus. A sense of the great advantage derivable from such a union seems to have led Ahab afterwards to behave with mildness and conciliation towards Benhadad, at a time when it could have been least expected (i Kings xx. 31-34). From that _transaction
we learn that Benhadad I. had made in Damas cus streets for Ornri,' and Omri for Benhadad in Samaria. This, no doubt, implied that 'a quarter' was assigned for Syrian merchants in Samaria, which was probably fortified like the camp of the Tyrians' in Memphis, or the Eng lish factory at Calcutta ; and in it, of course, Syrian worship would be tolerated. Against such intercourse the prophets, as might be expected, en tered their protest (ver. 35-43) ; but it was in many ways too profitable to be renounced. In the reign of Baasha, Asa king of Judah, sensible of the dan gerous advantage gained by his rival through the friendship of the Syrians, determined to buy them off at any price [see also under Jimax]; and by sacrificing 'the treasures of the house of the Lord and the treasures of the king's house' (xv. il3), in duced Benhadad I. to break his league with Baasha and to ravage all the northern district of Israel. This drew off the Israelitish monarch, and enabled Asa to destroy the fortifications of Ramah, which would have stopped the course of his trade (xv. 17), perhaps that with the sea-coast and with Tyre. Such was the beginning of the war between Israel and Syria, on which the safety of Judah at that time depended. Cordial union was) not again re stored between the two northern states until the days of Rezin king of Syria, and Pekah the son of Rema liah, when Damascus must have already felt the rising power of Nineveh. The renewed alliance instantly proved so disastrous to Judah, which was reduced to extremest straits (Is. vii. 2 ; 2 Kings xv. 37 ; 2 Chron. xxviii. 5, 6), as may seem to justify at least the paliry of Asa's proceeding. Although it was impossible for a prophet to ap prove of it (2 Chron. xvi. 7), we may only so much the more infer that Judah was already brought into most pressing difficulties, and that the general course of the war, in spite of occasional reverses, was decidedly and increasingly favourable to IsraeL The wars of Syria and Israel were carried on chiefly under three reigns, those of Benhadad II., Hazael, and Benhadad III., the two first monarchs being generally prosperous, expecially Hazael, the last being as decidedly unsuccessful. Although these results may have depended in part on personal qualities, there is high probability that the feeble ness displayed by the Syrians against Jehoash and his son Jeroboam was occasioned by the pressure of the advancing empire of Nineveh. To make this clear, a small table of synchronisms, represent ing the two heathen powers, may be serviceable. The dates are only approximate.