Another parliamentary advocate for the Catholics, de clared, in still stronger terms, his opinion, that the veto was not a necessary stipulation. This veto, said Air C. Hutchinson, is a mere stalking horsc,—the plea of de sertion from the Catholic cause. On what ground was it required ? Was the loyalty of the Catholic hierarchy impeached, or impeachable ? He would challenge any man to produce a single instance of disaffection among the Catholic bishops ;—an instance in which they had acted, or attempted to act, against the government. On the contrary, their fidelity to the state was so conspi cuous,—their exertion in support of the government so signal, during the trying period of the insurrection, that they were denounced, among the leaders of the rebel lion, as the Orange bishops—as strenuous advocates for the views of government. Why then demand any addi tional pledge of loyalty from such men ? Mr. Grattan's motion was negatived by a majority of 213 against 109.
The friends of parliamentary reform were not discou raged by the defeat which Mr Curwen's bill had received in the preceding year. On the 2Ist of May, Mr Brand made a motion in the house for a committee to consider of measures proper to be adopted respecting a reform in the representation of the people. In a summary state ment of his plan, he stated his objects to be, that parlia ment should exercise a right, which it certainly could constitutionally exercise, of disfranchising those bo roughs in which the members were returned by the no mination of individuals, and, as the members of the house would be diminished in that proportion, to trans fer the right of returning such members to populous towns. In counties, lie would leave the elective fran chise as it now stands, with the freeholders, merely add ing the copyholders to the number of the electors. lie proposed to assimilate the mode of voting in Scotland to that in England. As to the state of representation in Ireland, he was not disposed to propose any change. lie should, however, bring that subject under the consider ation of the committee, if his motion should be success ful. He proposed triennial parliaments, and although the disfranchised boroughs had, in point of right, no claim• to compensation, lie should, however, vote for their receiving it. In changing the duration of parlia ment, he foresaw immense difficulties, unless a concur rent change were to be made in making the returns. He proposed, therefore, that the votes shotild be taken by districts,* instead of the returns being made by dis tricts. There was one remaining point to which it was necessary to call the attention of the house. The num ber of persons holding places and seats in that house, was an evil which required a remedy. He would not propose to exclude all persons who held offices, but all who held them without responsibility. The people, said Mr Brand, wish for a moderate reform ; it is their right, and if it is refused, they will endeavour to assert it. There must be either a relorm, or a military govern ment.
The points and the facts so olten asserted and denied, were largely discussed in this new trial of the question. The accustomed argument of the fate of France was not forgotten on this occasion, by the enemies of reform. In answer to this admonition, Mr Whitbread said, what has been the fate of other nations who neglected the means of national safety ? Did Prussia reform ? Did Austria redress the people's grievances? Why has Spain been the theatre of havoc and devastation ? Were their miseries to be traced to the experiment of reform ? Or rather, was it not the effect of the resistance with which their respective governments treated every proposition of redress and amelioration ? Had Sicily reformed ? and what, notwithstanding the liberal assistance of Great Britain, will be its fate, unless that government shall be wise enough to accede to the reasonable wishes of the people ? Subjugated Europe had fallen, not because she made rash experiments on her systems of govern ment, but by sanctifying every abuse, and pertinaciously refusing to accede to the just desires of the people. She
destroyed the moral energies, and, though she placed arms in the hands of those who ought to be her defen ders, there remained nothing of influence over their hearts, when brought in contest with the enemy. The motion was negatived by a majority of 234 to 115.
Among the prominent events of the session, it would be improper to omit mentioning the report of the bul lion committee. The restriction of cash payments im posed upon the bank in 1797, have been noticed in the events of that year. Since that period, the paper money, not only of the bank of England, but of the country banks, had multiplied so rapidly ; the value of that paper mo ney had so much diminished in relation to the price of all articles of life ; the market price of gold had risen so much above its mint-price, and coin and bullion had become so scarce, that these concurring appearances were naturally held in the general opinion, as cause and effect. It had been indeed predicted by many, that the dispensation from cash payments permitted to the bank, would produce the effect of depreciating paper by its abundance, and of raising the relative price of gold in proportion, by offering temptations to melt the coin, and to export both coin and bullion ;—but these predictions were disregarded in 1797, by many who now thought more seriously on the subject,* or who did not imagine that the restriction act would be suffered to be so long in force. A committee during the last session, had been appointed to inquire into the high price of gold bullion, to take into consideration the state of the circulating medium, and to point out a remedy. The report of the bullion committee was given in on the 8th of June. They first inquire into the price of bullion, and find, that a guinea is worth about 23 shillings of paper money ; and this degree of depreciation of paper currency is con firmed by the rate of foreign exchanges, which arc from 15 to 20 per cent. against England, though the real ex change would at present otherwise be in her favour. " It results from this unnatural state of things, that while a good guinea can only be current at 21 shillings, and that a guinea too light to pass in currency, gains value by its deficiency, and is actually worth 22 shil lings. It is impossible, therefore, that any gold coin should remain in currcncy ; and the result is, that the public lose about two shillings on a guinea on their in come and expenditure.