During the recent transactions in Scotland, we may easily conceive the state of the public mind in England, and the deep sympathy of Puritans and Presbyterians with their fellow believers, who were regarded rather as brethren in a common cause, than invaders. As the parliament met with no ordinary prospects and motives, the House of Commons was never observed to be so full at the opening of a session. The house began by striking an important blow, by impeaching Strafford the king's principal adviser. Hated by the Scotch for having used all his influence against them ; by the Irish, for having acted in their kingdom as deputy, with an unpopular vigilance and activity ; and considered by the English popular party as an apostate from their cause, he was exposed to the resentment of the three nations. The king had induced him to leave the army by a promise of protection, and assuring him that not a hair of his head should be hurt ; but just as he entered the House of Peers, he found that Pym had brought up his impeach ment from the commons, followed by the whole house. He was immediately ordered into custody. Laud could not long escape the scrutiny. He was also impeached for high treason by the commons, and ordered into cus tody. The lord keeper Finch, justly obnoxious for hav ing, on an important occasion, refused to put the ques tion when ordered by the House of Commons ; for hav ing procured, by intrigues and menaces, the extrajudicial opinion of the judges, in the case of ship-money ; and for having been active in many illegal measures, tried to deprecate the wrath of the commons by submission ; but finding that his impeachment was resolved on, he fled to Holland.
Spreading the terrors of their power still farther, the commons proceeded to the punishment of those agents of royalty, who could not properly be attainted for high treason, but whose co-operation with tyrannical mea sures, (though, in many instances, involuntary,) brought on them the new term of delinquents. The sheriffs, who had levied snip-money, were voted such ; the farmers and officers of customs concerned in raising poundage and tonnage, were severely fined ; the members of the star-chamber, and high commission -courts, were voted worthy of punishment ; the judges, who had voted against Hambden in the case of ship-money, were oblig ed to find surety for their appearance ; and Berkeley, a judge of the king's bench, was seized on his tribunal by an order of the house. The sentences which had been executed against Prynne, Bastwick, and other libellers of the court, were reversed, and their judges were or dered to make reparation to the sufferers. When those liberated patriots returned to London, they were met by multitudes, and the roads before them were strewed with flowers ; and amidst the shouts of congratulation that attended them, were intermingled loud invectives against their late oppressors. Grievances were now represented, both by members within and petitioners from without, in such numbers, that the house was di vided into above forty committees ; charged each of them with the examination of some particular violation of law or liberty ; and from the reports of these committees, the house daily passed votes which humbled the court, and elated the nation. Ship-money was declared illegal and arbitrary, the sentence against Ilambden cancelled, the court of York abolished, compositions for knight hood stigmatised, and every late measure of administra tion treated with reproach and obloquy. Among the petitions from without, there was one which strongly indicated the state of the popular mind as to the church. A petition from the city, signed by 15,000 names, for a total alteration of'church government, was presented by alderman Pennington, the city member.
The pretensions of the commons to the right of im posing tonnage and poundage, by their own authority, were revived with assurance of success. In the pream • ble to the bill which they passed, for granting these du ties to the king, they divested the crown of all right of levying them without their consent. Charles was obliged
to pass this important bill, as well as to confirm, though with more reluctance, a bill for reviving triennial parlia ments, after the example lately given by the Scottish parliament. A change of ministers, as well as of mea sures, was resolved upon. The Earls of Hartford, Es sex, Bristol, Lord Kimbolton, and other noblemen of the popular party, were sworn privy counsellors. Juxon, bishop of London, resigned the treasurer's staff; but his character, and the moderation of his enemies, allowed him to remain unmolested. A feeble negotiation for the introduction of Pym, Hambden, and Hollis, into office, was interrupted by the death of the Earl of Bedford ; and from circumstances imperfectly explained by historians, was never resumed. Unhappily for Charles, he .
nued, after his old ministers had been exiled and dis placed, after the imprisonment of Laud, and the execu tion of Strafford, to govern by means of weak agents, destitute of energy or of credit with parliament.
The fate of Lord Strafford was not long delayed after his commitment to the Tower. To bestow the greater solemnity on his trial, scaffolds were erected in West minster hall, where both houses sat, the one as his ac cusers, the other as his judges. Besides the chair of state, a close gallery was prepared for the king and queen, who attended during the whole trial. Twenty eight articles of impeachment were presented against him, regardirpt; his conduct as president of the council of York, as deputy of Ireland, and commander in Eng land. But though four months were employed by the managers in framing the accusation, and all his answers were extemporary, he certainly baffled the arguments of his accusers, and fell by an illegal sentence. The evidence against him was inadequate to establish the charge of absolute treason. lle was convicted, even according to his enemies, of that constructive or accu mulative treason, the bare admission of which, as grounds of sentence, is a disgrace to any tribunal, and would sanction the most enormous tyranny if it became a practice. The fear of popular violence had probably no small share in the decision of the Lords with respect to this unfortunate nobleman, and the same battery was applied to force the king's assent. Charles was irreso lute ; but Strafford, either hoping of escaping alive out of prison, or expecting that Charles might be touched more deeply by an offer of his own life, advised the king to sign his death-warrant, in order to quiet the tu multuous people. Charles at last granted a commission to four noblemen to give the royal consent to the bill for his execution,—an act for which he never forgave him self. • The commons, it may be said, were, without just grounds, jealous, that all the power which they had ex torted from the king might be yet revoked, if they stopt at the present stage; but' we may suppose them, never theless, to have been sincere in those fears. The exe cution of Strafford is a blot on the memory of that par liament, which it is possible for their advocates to pal liate, but not to efface. The bill which they introduced at this period for their perpetual continuance, was a stretch of power which can only be vindicated by the plea of necessity. Charles empowered the same com missioners, who signed the warrant for Strafford's fate, to assent to this bill, and for the present conceded an entire victory to the popular power. From policy, more than necessity, the commons had borrowed money from the citizens, for the payment of the two armies during the negotiation with the Scotch, which was now trans ferred from Rippon to London. The citizens started difficulties with regard to a farther loan, declaring, that though they willingly trusted the parliament, they wish ed for the continuance of their sitting as a security for their repayment ; and on this pretence the bill for conti nuance was voted and passed.