This gentleman, who had incurred a sentence of out lawry, returned to England just before the general elec tion ; and, with his usual boldness, offered himself to represent the city of London. The livery, however, were not prepared to accept his services, and his ene mies were rejoicing in his defeat, when, to their sur prise, he carried his election for the county of Middle sex, against the whole influence of great landed property, and the whole strength of government. His success was the signal for riot, and every species of tumult. A mob assembled round the King's Bench prison, to which Mr Wilkes was sentenced for two years ; and the riot act being read in vain, the military fired upon the peo ple, several of whom were killed and wounded. This served only to increase the popular rage, and tended ultimately to weaken the influence of administration. When, on the death of Mr Cooke, the other member for Middlesex, Mr Serjeant Glyn offered himself on the popular side, he carried his election against the whole interest of the court. At this election, a riot took place, in which some of the populace were killed The murderers, though tried and convicted, found meant to escape.
Wilkes had not yet taken his seat, when he published a letter, that fell into his hands, from lord Weymouth to the chairman of the Surry quarter sessions. This he chose to consider as the cause of the massacre com mitted in St George's Fields. A charge that so nearly affected the nobleman's character, was not passed unno ticed. Mr 'Wilkes was adjudged guilty of a breach of privilege, and expelled the House of Commons. The Middlesex electors again chose him ; but the House of Commons declared his election void, and made out a new writ. To prevent him, if possible, from again succeeding, Mr Luttrel vacated his seat, and stood can didate for Middlesex. This gentleman, although he had not a fourth part of the votes which Mr Wilkes had, and was not returned by the sheriffs, was declared, by the House of Commons, to be duly elected. It was argued, that Mr Wilkes, having been once expelled, could not again be elected ; and that as a vote for a man not eligible is not a legal vote, it followed, that Mr Lut trel had the majority of votes. The freeholders of Middlesex petitioned against a resolution which they deemed so unconstitutional ; but the house voted, that, according to the law of parliament, a resolution once passed, could not be reversed in the same session.
These proceedings were considered so important to the nation, as to draw their attention from affairs which afterwards appeared to be more important. The parlia ment engaged in warm debates on the policy of taxing America, while the natives in the new world continued more refractory. A special commission, which was is sued for trying American delinquents in England, did not pass without a vehement, but unsuccessful opposi tion, on constitutional grounds.
For more than two years the subject of the Middlesex election engaged and agitated the public mind. In par liament, the eloquence of Chatham and of Camden were exerted in vain, to obtain a reversal of its proceed ings. Lord Chatham declared, that the people had no confidence in the existing parliament, and proposed pe titioning his majesty to dissolve it. On this, lord Cam den having divided with the opposition, he was imme diately deprived of the great seal. The dismission of lord Camden was speedily followed by the resignation of the duke of Grafton, who, though far from joining the standard of opposition as a decided partizan, had, on one occasion, voted in support of lord Rockingham's motion against his majesty's secret advisers. The duke of.Grafton's place, as first commissioner of the trea sury, was immediately filled by lord North, who had been for two years chancellor of the exchequer. Thus was unfortunately formed an administration, which ex ercised the powers of government for 12 successive years ; and, by its vindictive spirit, and its obstinacy in error, shook the British empire to its foundation.
During this year a part of Mr Townsend's stamp act was repealed ; but that part of it which regarded the imposition on tea was continued ; and unfortunately the spirit of the act still remained. In vain was it urged, that the repeal of our most obnoxious impositions had produced all the happiest effects predicted by the ad vocates for that repeal ; that lenity on our part had produced moderation on the part of America ; and that the recent discontents had arisen from fresh provo cations.
Wearied at last with fruitless contest against the mi nistry, the nation seemed prepared to fix its regard on any new object of political interest which should pre sent itself. In the year 1764, lord Egmont being then at the head of the admiralty, a settlement had been pro jected on the Malouine or Falkland Islands, and com modore Byron was sent out to take possession of them. It happened that, about the same time, a settlement had been made, and a fortress erected, by the French navi gator M. Bougainville, on one of these islands to the east of the English settlement, under the name of St Louis. But, in consequence of the representations of the court of Madrid to the court of Versailles, this was soon yielded up to the Spaniards, who gave it the name of Port Soledad. It was well known, that (Brazil and Surinam excepted) Spain pretended to the absolute so vereignty of the whole southern continent of America, and the islands belonging to it. The English settle ment, therefore, excited at the court of Madrid the highest alarm and uneasiness, not merely as an en croachment on the right of dominion, but because it was evident, that the principal inducement of England to form this settlement, was the facility which it would give to an attack upon the Spanish territories bordering on the great South Seas. Spain remonstrated without effect, and, dreading the power of England, might have probably submitted to the aggression, had not the loss of reputation sustained by England, from her tame acqui escence in the cession of Corsica to France, embolden ed the court of Madrid to second her remonstrance by vigorous preparations. Towards the close of the year 1769, captain Hunt of the Tamer frigate, cruising off the islands, fell in with a Spanish schooner belonging to Port Soledad, and commanded the Spaniard to leave the coast. The captain of the schooner obeyed; but returned with a letter from the governor of Buenos Ayres, warning captain Hunt, in his turn, to quit the Malouine coast. After some altercation, captain Hunt returned to England, leaving only two small sloops at Port Egmont. In a short time, a large Spanish arma ment appeared before the British settlement, and sum moned it to surrender ;—a summons which captain Far mer, the commandant, readily obeyed, as resistance would have been unavailing. By the terms of capitula tion, he was allowed to return to England ; but by an un paralleled insult to the British flag, he was detained by the Spaniard for twenty days. The news of this trans action excited a violent indignation in England ; and had the warlike spirit of lord Chatham still guided the national councils, the discussion of the right to these islands would have been preceded by actual retaliation on the part of Britain; but the conciliatory temper which we refused to our colonies, was on this occasion extended to enemies. A negotiation took place. The Spaniards restored the islands ; but it was privately stipulated, that they should be afterwards evacuated by Great Britain ; and since that time, no settlement has been made upon them. Upon the whole, setting aside the affront offered to our flag, the grounds of the quarrel do not seem to have justified a war. And though the pretensions of Spain to the whole empire of South America may seem ridiculous, let us ask if the pride of Britain would not have been alarmed, had Spain attempt ed to form a settlement, or to establish a garrison, in any part of the dismal wilds of Labrador, or the frozen regions of Hudson's Bay.