True magnanimity is at the head of the same family, as an elevated and firm spirit. The deportment of the United States, therefore, towards their native savages and the states of Barbary merit consideration, in an inquiry into their character for determined courage. Debellare 8zincrbos seems to have been their object, from a mere sense of the duty of defence. But having overcome the arrogant hostility of the savages in -our own country and of the barbarians of Tripoli, parccre szillecti.s. appears to be the noble disposition of their pub lic councils and of the people of America at large. We hear no niurmurings of the nation, that their government have not sought revenge or still fought for " the bulthlr reputation" on the shores of our lakes, or on the coasts of Barbary. Whatever were our injuries from savage and barbarian violence in the days ol their delusion and insolence, as soon as we had eiilorced upon than a cor rect deportment and taught them the laud errors of their conduct, we have allowed them to learn that a righteous enemy, though brave to their own knowledge, can suffer and forgive. Of what avail are the lessons ol the best of religions, if alter attaining the just ends of a reluctant war, we arc not willing to accept peace ? The course of events since the American resolution, and particularly since the commencement of that of France, may have been occasionally thought to require war on our part, as a high-spirited and injured people.
As to the period included between the treaty of peace in 1783, and the adoption of the present constitution in 1789, it may be correctly observed, that our all-impor tant revolution was not then completed. Far was it from being sufficiently matured and confirmed. When the states had ref iced, and regulated their own separate constitutions; when some that were too extensive had effected, in peace, convenient and salutary divisions of their territory and jurisdiction ; when the critical, com plicated and litigated case in the north had been con clusively settled by the voluntary entry of Vermont, as a distinct member, into the present union ; when the late crown lands of the western territory were ceded, and the western posts were surrendered to con gress ; when the great territorial litigations among the states were conceded, adjudged or compounded ; when the new federal constitution or perpetual union had been framed, adopted and amended ; then indeed (lid it appear to the sober-minded and intelligent citizens, that the revolution of the United States was consum mated, matured and confirmed. Till the actual comple tion of all these things, numerous indeed were the con siderations, which might persuade any nation, in our predicament, however brave and full of resources, to re frain front war. With the evidences of spirit, which have been sug,g( sled, it will not appear a want of gallantry in our citizens, or of firm resolution in our councils, to have retained us in peace, during the ten years, which fol lowed the last general treaty of Paris, in 1783.
At the commencement of the French revolution, sonic. of the considerations, which have been just stated, con tinued to require our anxious attention. The stupen dous workings of that great event, transcendently influ ential from day to day, and awfully portentous, as to ob vious consequences, imposed upon the Americans cor responding obligations. Every feeling of their own bosoms, of their neighbours, of their rivals, of the it enemies, and of the powerful, jealous and resentful bel ligerents, was excited to the highest pitch. Many eyes were cast on plentiful and energetic America. The convulsions of nations were incessant and wonderful. The circling billows were every where felt in Europe, and reached the distant shores of the United States. Had we inconsiderately partaken in the war, it would have been without a possibility of benefit. Instead of a conflict of an ordinary character, all the enormous pas sions of the most wonderful crisis in human affairs would have raged against our unnecessary interposition in a distant contest. Prudence advised and a brave spirit, as it is conscientiously believed, did not forbid a solemn determination to stand or fall on the soil of our coun try.
This digression, if it may be so denominated, seemed necessary to the consideration of sonic other moral causes, which appear to have c ont•ibuted to the spirit and resolution of the American character.
From the original cheapness, of land, from the equal division ol intestate and devised property, from the sus pension of much of our commerce in the war, and from the predominant agricultural genius of North America, it is sale to suggest, that there are more landholders in the United States in proportion to numbers, than in any other country in the w orld. 01 course it follows, that there are fewer poor and depen dent labourers. III the states, where there are black sec. vants, whatever are the bad consequences in various other respects, the elevation of spirit, produced by the contrasted condition of the slaves, is manifest and un deniable. 'I'lic planter is always, in some respects, like a military officer, on his own farm. His house is in a degree armed : his discipline, regular and strict: his vigilance keen and incessant. Nor is this a singular ac companiment of personal slavery. The heroes of Ther mopylae, the warlike Lacedemonians, had their Heists. ; and ancient Rome, whose anus subdued the remotest nations of the known world, exempted her citizens from menial services by the labour of slaves. Even the dis tribution of the people into plebeians or commons and privileged orders has been contended to elevate the courage of some princes and nobles. We must repro bate the cause and lament its existence, whether the ancient plebeians or modern slaves arc the unhappy means of producing this effect ; hut we cannot with correctness deny its existence in the American charac ter.