The organized labor movement began a cam paign to secure the nomination and election of representatives, regardless of party, who pledged themselves to the enactment of labor's legisla tive demands. As a result of this political pol icy, there came into existence in Congress what is known as the Labor Group, members of which hold trade-union cards and are affiliated with labor organizations. This group has gradually increased in size until in the 65th Congress there are now belonging to it one senator and 16 members of the House of Representatives. As a result of this political activity, labor's fundamental demands have been enacted into law. In the labor provisions of the Clayton Anti-trust Act, which became a law 15 Oct. 1914, section 6 of this act contains the most important legislative statement ever enacted into law, namely, °the labor power of a human being is not a commodity or article of com merce.° According to this declaration, associa tions of wage-earners cannot be classified as trusts and cannot be interpreted as coming under the provisions of trust legislation. Sec tion 20 of the Clayton Anti-trust Act provides for the limitation and regulation of the issuance of writs of injunctions to conform to labor's demands. Another great humanitarian law that has been secured as a result of this po litical policy is the Seaman's Act, which brings freedom to a group of America's workers that could be imprisoned for failure to perform specific services.
In 1884, the American Federation of Labor succeeded in securing the enactment of a law establishing the Federal Bureau of Labor. Af ter continued effort in 1913, a law was enacted which created the Federal Department of La bor, with a secretary at its head, who is a mem ber of the President's Cabinet. There was appointed as the first Secretary of Labor, William B. Wilson, a member of the United Mine Workers of America and former secre tary of that organization. This enables the workers of America to have representation in the councils of state at the time when plans and policies are in a formative state. Another law provided for the establishment of the Children's Bureau.
In addition, many other humanitarian laws have been secured, such as the amended and im proved eight-hour law for employees on govern ment work, Workingmen's Compensation Act and many others too numerous to mention, but which have made possible better conditions of work, greater safety for life and health of the workers of America. However the funda mental policy of the American Federation of Labor has been that the economic power of the workers is fundamental, that power is derived from the creative labor power of the workers who render service in industry and commerce and that all other power is derived from their economic power. The economic demand which the trade-union movement holds to be funda mental is the shorter workday or the present demand for the eight-hour day. The shorter
workday protects workers from physical ex haustion and gives them opportunities for rest, for improvement of their own abilities and for social contact with their fellows. The shorter workday makes of the workers different human beings. It is always accompanied by higher wages for the worker who, as a result of the shorter workday, is a better and more pro ductive worker than the one who labors long hours.
The trade-union movement has held that personal relations in private industries must be determined by the wage-earners themselves through their economic organizations. A dis tinction is observed between employees in pri vate industry and employees in the government. The American Federation of Labor holds that the economic organizations are the instru mentalities through which workers in private industries must work out their salvation but that industrial relations for government em ployees must, of course, be regulated to some extent through legislation. However, even the problem of securing the welfare of workers in government employment depends upon the power of the economic organizations of the workers — not only those in government em ployment but those, of the whole country.
The American labor movement has consist ently stood for internationalism and peace be tween nations. It has opposed militarism in all its phases. The Seattle Convention of the American Federation of Labor approved a proposition for a Naval Holiday during which period of time all nations should cease con structing war vessels. Although working for peace and hoping for peace, the Federation understood fully the meaning and the op or tunities of the European War. The Federa tion realized that ideals of international peace had not been properly supported by provisions for constructive agencies. This problem was considered at several conventions held in 1914 in Philadelphia., and a resolution was adopted providing for the holding of a labor peace con ference at the same time and place that the world peace congress should be held after the war. The labor organizations of all countries were urged to approve this idea and to make provisions for sending representatives. This plan was reaffirmed by the San Francisco 1915 Convention. The Baltimore 1916 Convention adopted an additional provision that the or ganized labor' movements of all countries should urge upon their governments the jus tice of appointing workers among their na tional delegations of plenipotentiaries which would constitute the peace congress. This proposal, together with the proposed labor conference, was again reaffirmed by the Buf falo 1917 Convention of the American Feder ation of Labor.