The remaining 11 of the reign were passed in peace, but in dishonor. The nation was profoundly troubled in its pride as in its economic circumstances. The heir to the throne was a lanky, very stupid boy, the grand son of the old king, and men saw nothing in the immediate future for their relief, though the death of Louis was looked forward to as to an event for public rejoicing. He passed, after a few senile years of debauchery, in 1774, and his grandson, Louis XVI, who had been married as a boy (four years before) to the youngest daughter of Maria Theresa, Marie Antoinette, ascended the throne. On the same day the Boston Harbor Act was proclaimed in the American colonies. It is quite impossible in a few short notes such as these to prepare the reader for the enormous convulsion through which France and all civilization was now about to pass. It is enough to say that the mind of that generation was by this time securely fixed in a dear and intense conviction: that lucid, mechanical and direct methods ca pable of reasonable analysis were in all depart ments of human energy the only ones which man as a moral being could- entertain. It fol lowed that all merely organic things were in peril, the old and merely traditional constitu tions of the country, and of course religion. The Catholic faith had never been at so low an ebb since Constantine; its power has been returning for a century, and it is difficult for our generation to understand how completely the faith had disappeared just before the French Revolution broke out. The first years of Louis XVI were occupied with a renewed struggle against England, which struggle was successful beyond the dreams even of those who most ardently supported the policy of attack. French guns had been supplied to the army which conquered at Saratoga shortly after a French fleet rendered possible the sur render of Yorktown; and it was imagined both in England and upon the Continent (such is the impossibility of foreseeing the future) that the power of Great Britain was finally extinguished. Meanwhile, the American colonies and their ideal republic furnished an object lesson, as it were, to the rationalism of the time. And the public mind was moving very rapidly indeed toward a reconstruction of society. The moral equilibrium was utterly unstable. It needed but some material cause for that equilibrium to be upset, and for a new to arise. This cause was presented by the condition of national finance. France was a very wealthy country and like all the rest of society at that moment was rapidly increasing in wealth. But the methods of taxation were grossly imperfect, the burden fell upon the wrong people and was imposed in the wrong way. So that France could with difficulty furnish a sum equivalent to no more than $5 per head of its population, where recently it furnishes with the utmost ease close upon and often exceeding $20 a head. An assembly of the notables of the kingdom was summoned in 1787 and did nothing. And finally in 1789 was con voked the first great democratic parliament ever seen in Europe since the Middle Ages had declined. The experiment was watched with alarm, especially in England where the concep tion of popular government was mistrusted and disliked, not only by the ruling oligarchy but by the people themselves. When the as sembly had met, which was in the May, of that year, the commons proceeded to claim in prac tice complete power in the state. They had for their ally the city of Paris, without whose energy and courage their rhetoric would in deed have been vain. The mobs of the capital proved incapable of withstanding regu lar troops. That was the chief and least understood aspect of the Revolution. Nor can any unacquainted with the military temper of the French people comprehend the movement. It was, for instance, Carlyle's principal error that he imagined a display of public force suffi cient to check the Revolution. Public force was used to the utmost, and failed because the people were in a mood of indifference to suf fering and to death, a phenomenon so rare that, save in Ireland, the modern world has seen no example of it. It is possible that a democracy would have • been established and that the names at least of certain great tradi tional functions in the state would have been preserved, and that the Revolution would have ended in a compromise, had there been no for eign war. As it was, the attack made upon the organization of religion, and the attempt to withdraw the Catholic priesthood from their normal organization and to make of them a civil service, coupled with the perpetual indignities offered to the king and queen, and added to the ceaseless effects of violence, moved Europe to interfere. The method of this interference was cautious and long debated, but the threat of it was enough to goad the French people. In June 1791 Louis XVI and his wife and chil dren fled to the frontier and were recaptured. Two months later Austria and Prussia publicly agreed upon a policy of intervention, though even at this late stage the agreement was con ditional, and. so far as we can judge by the private letters exchanged in that autumn, the idea was rather to overawe the French democ racy by a display of invinciblB force, than to proceed to actual invasion. In the winter, largely through the action of Marie Antoinette, Austria, ruled by her brother, proceeded to impose minor but direct upon the French policy. In the spring war was declared. The allied armies did not cross the frontier until the height of summer, but it appeared cer tain that they would be in Paris by the end of August, for the disorganization of the French army was complete and it was quite incapable of making a stand. The invasion was accom panied by a manifesto drawn up by advice of Marie Antoinette (who was probably the author of its principal threat) and this manifesto de voted the town of Paris to military execution, if the persons of the royal family were not left inviolate. The answer of Paris to this docu ment was to storm the palace on 10 August. The building was well defended by a powerful force of 6,0C10 men, and it was the opinion of Napoleon Bonaparte, who seems to have been an eye witness, and who was certainly an excel lent judge of military affairs, that the military chances were in favor of the Crown. The mob fought with the utmost courage, losing men in numbers variously estimated at 150 and 3,000,—. the latter is the nearer computation, for though the losses were heavier of course upon the de feated side, the services of numerous carts and carriers were required for the whole day and the succeeding night in removing the dead. At any rate the populace were completely success ful. The royal family was imprisoned and a committee of extreme democracy, the chief of whom was the learned but impetuous Danton, took over the management of the country in the face of the enemy. That enemy proceeded without obstacle, forced the three passes of the Argonne, and met such forces as the French had scraped together on much the same ground as had seen the struggle against Attila, the great plain now occupied by what is called °the Camp of Chilons? The centre of the French position was the windmill of Valmy. What followed is a singular lesson in strategics. There was, properly speaking, no battle. A distant cannonade and an abortive charge made up the whole action. But precisely because the Duke 4... Brunswick did not press his power home Valmy had all the effects of a thorough defeat. A retreat was negotiated, and from that day, the equinox of '92, the Revolution took on its final phase. The republic was de clared, the trial of the king was prepared, the army though still undisciplined and unmilitary gained the haphazard victory at Jemappes, and poured over the frontier into Belgium. On 21 Jan. 1793 the king was executed; within a fortnight Holland, England and Spain, one may say the whole of Europe, was at war with France. The volunteers and other hotchpotch under Dumouriez in Belgium were defeated; at Neetwinden, Dumouriez betrayed the coun try and ultimately accepted a large salary from England, whose strategy he advised and over looked, and the French Revolution, for the sec ond time in peril, established martial law. A strict military despotism in the hands of a small committee, known as The Committee of Public governed France with ruthless severity for 16 months, defeated the enemies of the country and began that marvelous series of victories which within a generation trans formed the world. During those 16 months the committee was changed; but its principal names give it unity from first to last, and in its latter stages the name most upon public lips was that of Robespierre (q.v.). Robespierre
did not command the committee. They were at first jealous of him and toward the end of the period he hardly attended their meetings. He was a man of many virtues, of a high political idealism, and of conspicuous sincerity and can dor, but he suffered from the vice of ambition. He loved the popular idolatry that surrounded him, and used it as a lever against the com mittee. This committee, therefore (in which he had but two friends), being essentially mili tary in its nature, and occupied principally in the military problem of repelling the foreigner, determined to be rid of him. They planned his destruction, and Robespierre was outlawed and guillotined on 28 July 1794.
It so happened that the period of his great popularity had coincided with the height of the revolutionary delirium. Three-fourths of the country was in revolt. Savage acts of repres sion had followed the crushing of the rebellions and "the Terror," as it was called, had come, very falsely, to be associated with Robespierre's name. When he fell, therefore, the committee found to their astonishment, that his fall was taken as a signal for the relaxation of their military power. From that date (called in the new revolutionary calendar ((the Tenth Ther midorp) the active portion of the Revolution ends., It had succeeded in finally establishing the theory of democracy.
In the next year it achieved its most diplo matic success, and imposed peace upon its ene mies at Basel in a treaty which considerably enlarged French territory, and shortly after ward the public assembly which had accom plished this great result was dissolved. England and Austria alone remained at war. Against the second was dispatched into the Plains of Lombardy a young Corsican who had but lately beet given his brigade, and who was but 27 years of age. This man was Napoleon, and from that date, 1796, the history of France be gins to be a record of his exploits.
See CLOVIS ; CHARLEMAGNE; CH ARLES MAR TEL; PEPIN ; PARS; CRUSADES ; HUNDRED YEARS' WAR; JOAN OF ARC; HENRY OF NAVARRE ; GUISE; EDICT OF NANTES ; HENRY IV ; SULLY ; Louis XIII, XIV, XV, XVI; RICHELIEU ; THIRTY YEARS' WAR; CONDE ; TURENNE; MAZARIN ; MARIA THERESA ; SEVEN YEARS' WAR; FRF.DER ICK II OF PRUSSIA ; MARIE ANTOINETTE; MIRA BEAU ; DANTON ; ROBESPIERRE; MARAT ; GIRON DIST ; REIGN OF TERROR; NAPOLEON; FRANCE CHURCH AND STATE; GREAT BRITAIN - FRENCH WARS OF THE 18TH CENTURY; UNITED STATES - THE REVOLUTION ; ITAI.Y - MODERN HISTORY ; GERMANY - POLITICAL HISTORY; AUSTRIA, and the various personages and events mentioned in this article See also FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Bibliography.—The literature relating to the history of France is extensive. For details con cerning detached periods and events and for the careers of the great Frenchmen of this period the reader may consult the above men tioned articles, where will be found the most important works relating to each. For a gen eral history of France consult Bourgeois, 'France tinder Louis XIV' (1889) ; Duruy, 'Histoire de France' (trans. by Carey, New York 1889) ; Fleury, (Histoire de France' (1891); Guizot, (Histoire de France' ,(Paris 1870); Kitchin, 'History of France to 1793' (Oxford 1881-82) ; Martin, (Histoire de France' (Paris 1855-60) ; White, 'History of France' (1890) ; Anquetil, 'Histoire de France depuis les Gaulois jusqua la mort de Louis XVI' (15 vols., Paris 1820) ; Bonnechose, 'History of France from the Invasion of the Franks under Clovis to the Accession of Louis Philippe' (trans. by Robson, London 1862) ; Daniel, (His toire de (17 vols., Paris 1755) ; Ge noude, 'Histoire de France) (16 vols., Paris 1844-47) ; Lavallee, 'Histoire des Francais de puis le temps des Gaulois jusqui en 1830' (4 vols., Paris 1856) ; Michelet, (Histoire de France) (16 vols.) ; Hotman, 'Franco-Gallia; or an Account of the Ancient Free State of France' (1574. Eng. tr. by Viscount Moles worth, London 1711) • Lavcaux, 'Histoire des premiers peuples libres qui ont habite la France' (3 vols., Paris 1798) ; Picot, 'Histoire des Gaulois, etc.' (3 vols., Geneva 1804) ; Thierry, 'Histoire de la Gaulle' (3 vols., Paris 1840-47) ; Bloch, (Les origines la Gaule incle pendante et la Gaule romaine' (Paris 1900); various editions of Cmsar's 'Commentaries on the Gallic War' ; Segur, 'Histoire de France' (11 vols., 1834-35) ; Royon, de France' (Paris 1819) ; Hugo, 'Histoire generale de France' (5 vols., Paris 1836) ; Leroux, 'Les conflits entre la France & l'Empire pendant le moyen age' (Paris 1902) ; Duruy, 'Histoire de l'Europe et de la France, 395-1789) (Paris 1892) ; Capefigue, (Charlemagne) (2 vols., Paris 1842) ; Depping, 'Histoire des expeditions maritimcs, etc.) (2 vols., Paris 1826) ; Luchaire, 'Louis VII —Philipp Auguste—Louis VIII 1137-1226' (Paris 1902) ; Lussan, (Histoire de regn de Charles VI) (9 vols., Paris 1753) ; Val let, de Charles VII' (3 vols., Paris 1862-65) ; Beaucourt, 'Histoire de Charles VII' (6 vols., Paris 1881-91) ; Poullin, de Jeanne d'Arc' (1893) ; Maulde-la-Claviere, 'Histoire de Louis XII> (6 vols., Paris 1889 93) ; Cherrier, 'Histoire de Charles VIII' (2 vols., Paris 1868) ; Kirk, 'History of Charles the Bold' (3 vols., London 1864-68) ; Legeay, 'Histoire de Louis XI' (2 vols., Paris 1874); Baird, 'History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France' (London 1880) ; Lutteroth, 'La Reformation en France pendant la premiere period) (Paris 1859) ; also works on the Refor mation by Segretain, Gheruel, Mignet, Poirson, Freer, White, Robson and others; Jackson, 'The Last of the Valois) (London 1888), and (The First of the Bourbons) (London 1890); Dussieux, 'Le Cardinal de Richelieu' (Paris 1886) ; Fagniez, 'La Pere Joseph et Richelieu) (Paris 1893) ; 'Hassan!, (London 1903) ; Bonnemere, 'La France sons Louis XVI' (2 vols., Paris 1864) ; Yonge, (The His tory of France under the Bourbons, 1589 1830) (London 1866-67) ; Anquetil, 'Louis XIV La Cour et le Regent' (1789) ; Jobez, France sous Louis XI 1715-74' (6 vols., Paris 1864-73), and 'La France sous Louis XVI' (2 vols., Paris 1877-81) ; Tocqueville, 'Histoire Philosophique du regne de Louis XV' (2 vols.). On the Revolution the number of works is too great to be enumerated separately but the fol lowing books are representative and authorita tive: Aulard, parlementaire pen dant la Revolution francaise> (3 vols., Paris 1882-86); Aulard, (Histoire politique de la Revolution francaise, 1789-1804) (Paris 1901) ; Bourgoing, (Histoire diplomatique de ]'Europe pendant la Revolution francaise> (3 vols., Paris 1865-71) ; Carlyle, (French Revolution) (Lon don 1837) ; Chassin, 'La preparation de la guerre de Vendee) (3 vols. Paris 1892), Vendee patriote> (4 vols., 1893-95) ; Goncourt, (Histoire de la societe francaise pendant la Revolution) (Paris 1854) ; Jomini, 'Histoire critique et militaire des campagnes de la Revo lution de 1792 1 1801> (3d ed., 15 vols., Paris 1819-24) ; Jung, (L'Armee et la Revolution: Dubois-Cranee) (2 vols., Paris 1884) ; Michelet, 'Histoire de la Revolution francaise> (1st ed, Paris 1847-53) ; Mignet, (Histoire de la Revo lution francaise> (1st ed., Paris 1824) ; Morse Stephens, 'History of the French Revolution) (New York and London 1886) ; Mortimer Ternaux, 'Histoire de la Terreur> (8 vols., Paris 1862-81) ; Quinet, 'La Revolution) (1st ed., Paris 1885) ; Sciout, 'Le Directoire> (2 vols., Paris 1895) ; Sorel, 'L'Europe et la Revo lution francaise) (4 vols., Paris 1E485-92) ; Von Sybel, (Geschichte der Revolutionszeit von 1789 bis 1800) (5 vols., Dusseldorf 1853-57; Eng. tr. to 1795, London 1867-69) ; Thiers, 'His toire de In Revolution francaise> (Paris 1823 27) ; Taine, 'La Revolution) (1st ed., Paris 1878-85) ; Tourneux, 'Bibliographic de l'histoire de Paris pendant la Revolution Wallon, (Histoire du tribunal revolutionnaire de Paris> (6 vols., Paris 1880-82); Boursin and Challamel, 'Dictionnaire de la Revolution Frangaise) (Paris 1893) ; Cherest, 'La chute de l'ancien regime) (Paris 1884-86); 'Cambridge Modern History) (New York 1903-12) ; Adams, (Democracy and Monarchy in France) (ib. 1884) ; Anderson, (Constitutions and Other Select Documents Illustrative of the History of France, 1789-1907) (Minneapolis 1908); Lev rault, de France) (Paris 1905); Guerard, (French Civilization in the Nineteenth Century) (ib. 1914); Headlam, (France) (Lon don 1913) ; Macdonald, Moreton J., (History of France) (London 1914).