The general election of 1885 was of singular interest as marshaling the revivified forces of Democracy and Imperialism. The former won„ thanks to the votes of the newly enfranchised agricultural laborers; but the triumphant Lib eral party was split in twain by Gladstone's Irish Home Rule Bill and Land Bill (April 1886). The general election of July 1886 reversed the decision arrived at 18 months earlier, and Lord Salisbury took office with a Unionist Ministry which sought — as he phrased it govern Ireland °honestly, consistently and resolutely?) It also passed the local Government Bill (1888) the Irish Land Purchase Bill (1891) and strengthened the army and navy, and adopted a firmer tone on foreign affairs. In 1892 the swing of the pendulum brought Gladstone back to power — for the fourth time,— but in 1894 he retired and Lord Rosebery undertook to re constitute the ministry. Even his versatility failed to solve the difficulties arising from dis union in the cabinet and in the Liberal party, and from the tension in public opinion caused by massacres of Christians in Armenia and Crete. He resigned in 1895, and the ensuing elections brought back the Unionists to office with a ma jority larger than had been known since 1832.. Lord Salisbury's new ministry, which included some Liberal Unionists, had to grapple with a succession of difficulties — the Venezuelan af fair, complicated by President Cleveland's mes sage, Doctor Jameson's raid in South Africa, complicated by Kaiser Wilhelm's famous tele gram, oppression and anarchy in Crete and many parts of the Turkish empire, and the cam paign against the Dervishes on the Upper Nile.
To these matters we cannot advert. We can point out here only two chief facts in the po litical history of the century—the gradual ef facement of the old party lines, and the curious periodicity in the political life of Great Britain. To dwell on the latter of these, it is clear that the main tendency has been toward democracy and industrial development by peaceful means — a tendency dominant in the periods 1816-1848, 1866-1874, 1880-1886, 1892-1895. The interven ing years were marked either by the quiescence which comes naturally after great constructive efforts, or by the striving after national security and the consolidation of the empire which re sults inevitably from the insular position and expansive force of a virile people. The century closed, as it began, amidst what may be termed the imperial impulse, of which industrialism has been the unconscious but all powerful feeder. The era of great production, coinciding as it does with one of militarism and protection on the Continent of Europe, imposes on England the need of looking and living beyond the seas to an extent unimaginable to the men of Nel son's generation. In this dualism of her inter
ests, democratic and imperial, lies the great problem of her political life — a problem never to be solved but ever keeping her faculties tense and keen. A word must be said on the devel opment of Socialism in Great Britain. It took a new start in 1881 with the foundation of the Federation?) which in 1883 became openly Socialistic. Mr. Henry George's book, and (1881) excited some attention, as did the author's lectures during a visit to England in 1884. But neither his theo ries on the land nor the more systematic Social ism of Karl Marx had a permanent effect on British workmen, who, certainly up to 1900, pre ferred to act through Trade Unions and Co operative Societies for their own betterment. The Profit Sharing Movement also brought them into closer touch and sympathy with many employers, who adopted that system.
Bibliography.— We can name here only a few of the chief works dealing with the out standing events of British political life and with the men who made history in the 19th century. Besides the text books on the English history of the period written by Doctor Bright and Doctor Gardiner, there are
of England .-- 1800-1815' and