Chartism

labor, party, coalition, london, liberal, trade, annual and political

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Political Labor in 1916.— Having traced the history of the participation of Labor in poll tics, we shall conclude with a survey of its present position, which will reveal an extraor dinary complexity of organization, and a con siderable diversity of ideas.

The most dramatic result of the Liberal victory in 1906 was the appointment of John Burns, engineer, socialist, and trade unionist, to a seat in the Cabinet as president of the Local Government Board, which carries with it mem bership of the Privy Council.

The representatives of labor in that Parlia ment belonged to three distinct groups: (1) The Labor Party proper, the group of 30 men who sat in opposition to the government, and in complete isolation; (2) the Miners, of whom there were 13 (besides one or two in the Labor Party), some of whom were elected as Liberals, some as miners simply, who in a few cases fought and beat the official Liberal; (3) the Liberal-Labor men who numbered 11 at the election, but who had since been reduced to 10 by the retirement of Mr. Broadhurst. The Miners and the Liberal-Labor men formed a group within the Liberal Party, and a !lumber of advanced radicals usually co-operated with them. Between 1908 and 1910 they all united with the Labor Party. See POLITICAL PARTIES.

The body holds an annual conference which has exclusive power to alter rules and deter mine policy. This conference elects the execu tive committee. Since 1914 the Labor Party has been politically the central Socialist body for Great Britain. Its strength is about 1,500, 000. The official organ of the party, The Daily Citizen, died of lack of support in 1915.

The political aims of labor are very in definite. The party itself includes men of di vergent opinions, though to a less extent than the others. About three-quarters of its mem bers are Socialists. The remaining quarter de clines so to label itself, but it has no definite creed, and constant association with men of strong opinions, who as a rule have studied political and social problems, makes it to say the least, extremely tolerant of Socialism.

The party was long in favor of Old Age Pensions, and of the nationalization of railways and of land. It has advocated state provision of work for the unemployed and of meals for underfed school children; and it strongly sup ports free trade, a policy on which all sections of labor are united. The attitude of the Labor Party to the Liberal Government again is con ditioned by various factors. The party exists

by independence, but none the less it was elected largely by Liberal votes.

The Socialist political policy includes the labor policy above indicated, and goes farther on the same lines. It advocates the municipal ization of the liquor trade, and more drastic interference with the evil results of competition, such as long hours and overtime, child labor and sweating of women's labor ; it favors com pulsory arbitration to replace strikes and lock omP: and a more vigorous extension of the of municipal and governmental industry. Labor men oppose some of these pro lama's. Very few would oppose them all.

At present the prospects of the Labor Party are bright. Its leaders are united and har monious. Moreover, the party has made a name for itself ; it is a force to be reckoned with; its action is watched, and its intentions dis cussed in advance. In every respect the Labor Party member has a marked advantage over his Liberal-Labor rival. On 29 Dec. 1918 com plete returns from the elections for the new House of Commons gave the following results: Coalition.

Coalition Unionists 334 Coalition Liberals 127 Coalition Labor 10 Total coalitionists 471 Other Parties.

Unionists. 46 Asquith Liberals 37 Labor 6S National Party 2 Socialist. 1 Irish Nationalists Sinn Feiner, 73 Independents Total of other parties 236 Coalition majority 23S Coalition maprdy with 46 Unionists 327 Grand Total . 707 ==== Prophecy in politics is peculiarly risky, but it is fairly safe to say that the share of labor in the control of the destinies of the empire will be larger in the future than it has been in the past.

First and Second Periods.— The following amongst many may be con sulted: Gammage, 'Chartist Movement' (1894) ; Wallas,

Third Webb,

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