6. HISTORY OF JAPAN, 1889-19196 The political evolution of japan from the restoration of the Mikado to supreme power, in 1868, pro ceeded from the imperial oath given to form a representative national assembly, to limit pre rogative and to decide all matters of national interest in accordance with public opinion. Twenty-one years elapsed before this was fulfilled. Meanwhile, preparatory tive measures through local administration, look ing to constitutional government were carried out by the men in power; •while the discussion of principles by pen and voice Went steadily on among the rival • parties. Roughly speaking, these were founded by Masanawo Nalmmnra,, and Yukichi Fukuzawa, on idealistic and ma terialistic theories respectively, in the 60's.• Later Iwakura and Ito (q.v.) and Okuno and Itagaki the British theories respectively, as to the of the ministers to the sovereign or to the Diet, incarnated the prevailing opinions. On account of the severe criticism of the men in power, through the new force of journalism, and the inevitable first results of free education, the arbitrary ePeace Preservation Act" of 1887 was enforced, which virtually banished all hostile critics from Tokio and imprisoned those who refused to obey. Yet on the gathering of the first Diet in 1890 most of these thus roughly handled, held seats. At once began a most vigorous opposition, with the detennina-, tion to control the budget, to widen the fran chise and to secure party government. A sur vey of 40 years past shows that in the actions and reactions of political parties, although feudalism in form was past, its spirit remained. Whatever the ((tame or form or ritual word" the passionate instincts of clanship, rather than insight into, or devotion to, fundamental prin ciples governed the formation of parties and held men together in a common purpose. In 1870, when feudalism was abolished, there were about 480,000 Samurai (q.v.) or trained intel lectual men in the empire. Popular education soon increased this host, also bringing in a new generation reared in modern ideas. Ito, gather of the constitution,' and men of like mind, having exercised their power in the school of Stein, Gneist and Bluntschli, the German leftists, tried to reconcile in some way the in eluninable element in democratic government —the budget—with ministerial responsibility to the sovereign. On this question cabinet after cabinet was wrecked. The mandate of the em peror was so often invoked as to almost shake the stability of the throne. Finally, Ito had to form the Seiyu Kai, or Friends of the Constitu tion, to make this instrument work; but still the wreckage of cabinets continued. None ex cept those in continuance during a foreign war lasted over two years, and those fell within a few months. All this time, of 18 cabinets, the real power behind the throne' lay in the Genro, or Elder Statesmen, survivors of the Restora tion of 1867, whose word with the emperor out weighed the decisions of the Diet, or Cabinet. Moreover these and almost all the Others in civil and military office were former southern clansmen. From about 1900 the younger men, educated after and outside of feudalism, have been coming on and the new economic forces transforming society. Henceforth, from the Russian War, politiotl evolution has been a steady contest between the imperialism of a rather and aristocratic caste and a,ris ing democracy, whose power was especially manifested in the riots' of August 191& This outburst, though rather than political, showed nevertheless the silent revolu tion wrought by the industrial transition and the new forces of education. These later, in spite of all the efforts — sometimes sufficiently ludicrous —to limit even science, ethics and his toriography and make these the engines of gov ernment, tend less and less toward arbitrary rule and more and more for genuine democracy. Of late years, wise statesmen, seeing the trend of affairs, have made attempts toward an °Im perialistic democracy.' In 1918 following the ((voice of democracy' in the arice riott,* and for the first time it Japan's history, a commoner became Premier, with a cabinet, whose members except one or two, had no titles, but were ((plain Mr.* For the first time, also, since the Restora tion, that Premier, Mr. Kei Hara, was a man horn north of Tokio. The old days, when the merchant was despised and oppressed and the commoner out of office, were over, and some thing like party rule had come. Whereas, in 1870, in army, navy, government position or schools, any one but a Samurai was an excep tion, the proportion, in 1918, of 50 per cent of commoners, in each has since been passed. Except for social prestige or genealogical con siderations (of little scientific value where adoption and ancestor worship prevail), the lines of demarcation between the classes, once so rigid, are slowly becoming practically in visible Much the same thing may be said of matters relating to marriage and the status of woman to whom fresh opportunities are open. The new civil code, passed by the Diet in 1896 (in English 1897), left the way open for reform and the terrific economic pressure because of the industrial revolution, completely altering the structure of the family, has left society in a state of flux. All this has unquestionably pre pared the way for --but of what type? Imperial, proletariat, or intelligent and educated — one that shall bind the nation pre servatively closer to its noblest ideals and save the honor and prestige of the imperial house— the type of Russia or of England? The struggle of parties is now on between the radical Im perialists and those who would look to the English-speaking nations for inspiration, if not for models. , A remarkdble book by Yukio
Ozaki, ex-mayor of Tokio, which appeared in 1918, entitled The Voice of Japanese Democ racy,' is an index of the crescent national feel ing. It remains an open question whether the military phenomena of 1868 within and the Chinese, Russian and World War of 1914-18, which have most attracted the attention of for eigners, have been as important in transforming Japan as the steady development of the national resources. In 1870 a tall chimney on the land scape of Japan was as great a rarity as in Europe before A.n. 1200. Now the face of the country is pitted with these smoke vents and much of the old natural beauty is spoiled by many a stretch of country,* by factory and mine refuse and by slag heaps (which, however, take the place of the old mounds* of ashes from the cremation fires, ((over which no church bells tolled'), while the rush of labor to the cities has brought on con gestions, new civic terrors and many new prob lems of housing and morals which the old theories and measures cannot meet. In days antedating railways and steamers agrarian up risings and trade troubles were impossible ex cept locally and on a small scale. With the new nervous system, created by the applied forces of steam and electricity, communication had become so easy that the °rice riots' of 1918 were on a national scale. Nothing since the Perry Treaty of 1854, not even wars, has so set the higher classes thinking as this exhibition of the power of the people when able to get together. The same phenomena, especially with the revival of Buddhism* — as de scribed by Professor Starr in his book of 1918 under this title— shows what may possibly oc cur even in this oversee province of the empire. The new forces have shown themselves liter ally potent to a soul of life under the ribs of death.* Japan's alliance with Great Britain, made, tested and renewed, is still the cornerstone of her policy in Asia, with also especially since the discrediting of Germany, both morally and materially— a close friendship with the United States. In fact it may be said that Japan has definitely cast in her lot with the English-speaking nations. Yet the home and foreign policies of the nation are in extricably joined— how to provide for an in creasing population dwelling on a very limited area of fertility in a mountainous country, and also to keep op good terms with nations that are color-conscious and want no immigration of Asiatics that even so much as suggest a lower standard of living. Japanese statesmen have frankly confessed disappointment at the results of their two great wars and concerning the new territory gained or old claims firmed. The comparatively small emigration from the ancient bounds of the three great islands, Hondo, Shikoku, Kiushiu, already taining over 50,000,000 souls, into the thinly populated, but climatically different, Formosa, Yezo and Saghalien has been very far from meeting expectations. Nor are there yet any startling signs of either Korea or Manchuria being flooded with subjects of the Mikado. After two wars, ostensibly in her behalf, and many costly attempts to reform the peninsular kingdom, which, as Ito said, lacked nearly all the features of a modern state,* Japan changed her protectorate to annexation, and, under its ancient name of Chosen, Korea (q v ) was made a province of the Japanese Empire. While Japan's system of colonization has worked terial wonders in Korea and Formosa, the nearness of the Philippines, as revealing the startling difference in Japanese and American ideals and methods, must work for good. At least the optimist hopes and thinks so, while the Japanese government expects to find in the peninsula room enough for all subjects of the Mikado living within the bounds of Morning Calm. We have preferred in this article, lowing Professor Mikami'. clear and able vey, so rich in description of events, as a loyal native sees them, to present within the limits of a brief sketch the philosophy of the facts, rather than marshal an array of dates. standing in the chronology of the past four decades was the decease on 30 July 1912 of the great Emperor Mutsuhito (q.v.), who, from 1868, led his people, magnanimously and with unselfish wisdom, through a reign ably excelling all other in brilliancy, and with few peers as to length of time. Unfortunately, we think, the ancient august and unique title has been relegated to poetry. The term ((Emperor"—now made to suffer in repute, because of the downfall of autocracy in a world-wide war — has come into general use. Of Yoshihito, third son of Mutsuhito and now executive head of the empire, the promise ready given of one likely to fulfil the hopes of the nation by following in his father's footsteps has been thus far fulfilled. Japan sends her ablest sons to attend the Peace Conference in Paris to settle the results of the Great- War and in reasonable hope of a bright future faces the corning third decade of the 20th century. WILLIAM ELLicrr GRIFFIS.