When Iyeyasu succeeded to the government he adopted an entirely different attitude to ward the islands, as he did toward Korea. He asked a Franciscan father in Japan to com municate to the governor his desire to maintain friendly relations with the islands. In 1602 he sent an envoy to Manila and the governor, Don Pedro de Actina, cordially responded. In com pliance with the request of Iyeyasu he sent to the port of Uraga, a small vessel, which failed to reach that port, but a few years later Spanish ships began to call at Uraga regularly. Iyeyasu also wished to establish commercial relations with Mexico. He repeatedly asked the governor to make his desire known to the viceroy. When in 1609 the galleon San Francisco was wrecked on the coast of Kazusa and Don Rodrigo de Vivero, ex-governor of the Philippine Islands, who was one of the passengers, visited Iyeyasu, he mentioned his desire, Don Rodrigo, seeing an opportunity for the Christianization of the land and the expulsion of the Dutch who had established a factory at Hirado, promised to use his influence to bring about the desired rela tions and consented to make the voyage to Mexico in a Japanese ship. The ship registered 120 tons, and had been built some years before by William Adams, an English pilot who had been in Japan since 1600. Fray Alonzo Munoz, a Franciscan father, left in the same vessel with the letters of Iyeyasu to the king of Spain and his minister, the Duke of Lerma. The San Buenaventura set sail from Uraga in August 1610, and reached Matanchel in October. This was the first Japanese, ship to cross the Pacific Ocean.
In April 1600, a Dutch ship caller the Liefde arrived at Bungo. It was one of the five ships that left Texel, June 1598, with the intention of reaching the Molucca Islands by way of the Strait of Magellan. The crew, of whom only 18 survived, remained in Japan. In 1605 the captain, Tacob Quackrnack, sailed from Hirado in a junk of the Prince with a letter of Iyeyasu and a passport for the Dutch vessels that would come to Japan. In 1608 the directors of the Dutch East India Company, hearing that a truce for 12 years was about to be concluded between Holland and Spain on the basis of maintaining the status quo, sent a dispatch boat to the commander of the fleet in the East instructing him to make treaties with as many native princes of the East as possible, and especially with Japan. Admiral Verhoeven accordingly ordered two ships, the Roade Lenny met Pijlen and the Griffoen, to Japan. They arrived at Hirado, 2 July 1609, established a factory there and left 3 October, with a letter to the Stadtholder and some passports from Iyeyasu. After the arrival of the Lie fde the Portuguese and the Spaniards tried every means to induce the government to send the Dutch out of Japan, but Iyeyasu in pursuance of his policy of encouraging foreign commerce, stead ily refused to take such a step.
When Don Rodrigo arrived at Mexico an expedition was about to leave for the discovery of the Isles of Gold and Silver, which were said to be situated near Japan. It was decided that Sebastian Vizcaino should go first to Japan and thank the government for the courtesies shown to Don Rodrigo and thence set out on the voyage of discovery. Vizcaino left Aca ulco, 22 March 1611, taking with him the Japanese merchants who accompanied Don Rodrigo, and arrived at Uraga, 10 June 1611. He was received by the Shogun and Iyeyasu with great ceremony. With permission of the overnment he sounded the eastern coast of Japan and then set out from Uraga, 16 Sept. 1612, on the voyage of discovery. After sailing about for many days in the hopeless search for the Gold and Silver Isles the ship suffered so much from the storms that Vizcaino was obliged to enter Uraga again, 7 November. This time he encountered a reception quite dif ferent from the first. The enemies of the Spaniards insinuated that the soundings of the coast were made with a view to the coming in vasion and Vizcaino's silence about the Isles of Gold and Silver was also commented upon as a treacherous act. These added to the dislike
the authorities had entertained of the overbear ing attitude of Vizcaino. Vizcaino was baffled in all his attempts to get a vessel to take him back to Mexico. He was obliged to accept the proposal of Date-Masamune, a powerful prince in the north of Japan, to take passage in his ship. The ship was to carry an embassy of Masaniune to the king of Spain and the Pope, with the object of asking them to send Fran ciscans to teach Christianity in his dominion, for whose voyage Masamune offered to send ships to Mexico every year. The moving spirit of the embassy was Fray Luis Sotelo, who wished to open a field of action for his order. With the same object he had promoted the em bassy of 1610, but there was no news of Father Munoz. He grew impatient and determined to go himself. He was aware of the desire of Masamune to open commerce with Mexico. He saw his opportunity in the embarrassment of Vizcaino, and persuaded Masamune to send Vizcaino and his crew to Mexico in his ship. He himself undertook to go with Hasekura Rolcuemon, a retainer of Masamune, to make a commercial treaty with the court of Spain. The ship set sail from the port of Tsukinoura, 28 Oct. 1613, and arrived at Acapulco, 25 Jan. 1614. Thence the embassy proceeded to Mexico and embarking from Vera Cruz, 10 June, en tered theport of San Lucar on the 5th of October. They were magnificently entertained in Seville, where they took a letter of Masa mune* with his presents. The embassy pro ceeded to Madrid, and had an audience of the king, 30 Jan. 1615. Taking passage from Barce lona in a ship bound for Genoa the embassy arrived at Rome, 25 Oct. 1615. Pope Paul V, who was impatiently waiting for the arrival of this second embassy from Japan, received them with great honors. He recommended the king of Spain to accede to the desire of Masamune and nominated Sotelo bishop of the north eastern part of Japan. Hasekura was made a noble, and the Samurais of his suite citizens of Rome. The embassy left Rome, 7 Jan. 1616, visited the Grand Duke of Tuscany on their way, and retraced their steps from Genoa to Seville. Considering the religious zeal of the king of Spain, this embassy was expected to accomplish its object easily, but it was doomed to share the same fate as that of Father Mawr. Mufioz arrived at Madrid at the end of 1611, but his mission proved a failure. Fray Diego de Santa Catalina was sent after long de lay as envoy and taking passage from Acapulco in the ship of Masamune, arrived at Uraga, August 1615, but as the letter of Phillip III said nothing about the commerce, the govern ment refused to accept the presents, and dis missed Fray Diego in disgrace. In default of any other vessel Fray Diego made another voyage in Masamune's ship, contrary to the orders of the viceroy, and arrived in Mexico, March 1617. The failure of Munoz's embassy was mainly due to the strong opposition on the part of the merchants of Manila, who de sired • to monopolize the Japanese trade. In the case of Masamune's embassy, another fac tor entered. The Jesuits, fearing that its suc cess would secure to the Franciscans the same advantages that the embassy of 1585 brought to themselves, used their powerful influence to bring about its failure. The persecution of 1614 was made use of to discredit the embassy. Neither the recommendations of the Pope and the municipality of Seville nor the utmost efforts on the part of the embassy were of any avail. The embassy had to leave for Mexico in 1617 without having accomplished its mis sion. In the spring of 1618, they embarked at Acapulco in the ship that had been waiting for them since the previous year and sailed for the Philippine Islands. Hasekura returned to Japan in 1620. Sotelo, who was placed under strict vigilance by the authorities, finally suc ceeded in evading it and embarked for Japan, 1622. He was easily recognized, thrown into prison and put to death, August 1624.