The great European crisis of 1908 culmi nating in Austria's annexation of Bosnia-Herze govina marks the awakening hour of 'L'Idea Nazionale." "L'Idea" is the aspiration, really, of a refined Imperialism; it engenders aggres sion and expansionist ideas. So profound is the hold of "L'Idea" upon the heart of its votaries, that it finds expression even in such unsuspected avenues as those offered by art. Its spirit enlivens such highly artistic produc tions even as that of Gabrielle d'Annunzio, who wrote his 'La Nave,' or the 'Ships,' to extol the might and the glory-making conquests of fallen Venice. In contrast with the Irredentism out of which it has developed, the new spirit em bodied in "L'Idea" exhibits features such as no Irredentist ever knew. Irredentists were not quintessentially Imperialists, but the Nationalists are. Nor did 'Irredentism glorify war, as war. Professor Corrodini, a noted Nationalist, is proud in that he is a °profound admirer of war!" Georgio del Vecchio, another great Nationalist grows ecstatic over "the goodness of war!" While the Nationalist, Prof. Scipione Sighele, one of the party's most respected spokesmen, points out the course for his followers in words like these: °The war question is for Nationalists the pri mordial question. The warlike virtues are for us the primordial virtues I" It is interesting to note that all the foregoing utterances were made prior to the late great European conflagration.
The last two decades have witnessed a whole series of acute eruptions of human energy. It is quite possible that these have affected the sub stitution of (L'Idea Nazionale for the older Irredentism.
Professor Sighele finds reason to character ize the new spirit as a "'voluptuousness of self sacrifice,' while another Nationalist eulogizes his followers because: "L'Idea Nazionale is a purely °realist and integral valuation of inter national relations in absolute antithesis to the sentimental tendencies of the old Radical and Republican Irredentism which looked to the abandonment of the Triplice and the rapproche ment of Italy with the parliamentary powers of the west" It may be mentioned, however, that while the above claim advanced by Signor Federzoni may be capable of substantiation, it obviously stands in need of it. For to an impartial ob server the pronounced syndicalism of a wing of the Nationalist party amounts to a betrayal. And it is sufficient to call attention to it that their subjective individualism is anything rather than a genuine, an objective realism. The most pronounced distinction making Irredentism dif fer from its successor, finds sharpest expres sion, probably, in the grounds and methods assigned for their respective efforts. No citizen
of a power whose territory is involved in the intentions of these Italian parties can be expected to see in these intentions any profound difference. And because these intentions are the same, Sighele recalls how the party to which he belonged welcomed their ideal "vibrant with an enthusiasm at first judged ridiculous? No thoughtful independent observer can expect a Realism in any genuine sense to proceed from the co-operation merely of the moods and of the emotions.
After the Tripolitan expedition in 1911, a congress of Nationalists gathered at Florence. Here they codified their characteristic doctrines, and in a sensational manifesto established their central organ, L'Idea Arazionale. Then they banded themselves together in a definite body, Nazionalista, And as the storm impended over Europe prior to the ar rival of the great European War of 1914, an an nouncement appeared in L'Idea Nozionale which reveals how the Association met the crisis. On 10 May 1915, the paper told its readers: "Italy desires war in order to obtain Trent, Trieste and Dalmatia. The Nation desires it. A nation which has opportunity to free its lands should do so as a matter of imperative necessity.' Let one note the phrase to "free its lands,' the lands in question being meanwhile identified with Trent, Trieste, Dalmatia. The intentions of Nationalism are those of Irredentism, and one party is a continuation of the other.
During the war °L'Idea° once came near realization. Cadorna's victorious soldiers had swept 122 communes constituting 10 political districts clean of Austrian troops. Eight dis tricts were organized and functioning before the close of 1916. They were under a Commis sario or civil representative of the Italian su preme military command. After Caparetto the territory was again in Austrian hands until vacated by the latter under the terms of the armistice which ivert into effect 4 Nov. 1918. See ITALY AND THE WAR.
Coolidge, A. C., 'Origins of the Triple Alliance' (New York 1915) ; Do minian, L, 'Linguistic Areas of Europe' fin American Geographic Society Bulletin, Vol. XLVII, June 1915) ; Freeman, E. A., 'Race and Language> (in 'Historical Essays,' 3d series, London 1879) ; Haymerle, Col., 'Italic's res> (Vienna 1897) ; Jackson, T. G., 'Dalmatia the Quarnero, and Istria> (Oxford 1887) ; Parato, A., 'Storia Tempi moderni> (Vol. III, 'Storia d'Italia,) New York 1909) ; Powell, Maj. E. A., 'Italy at War, and the Allies in the West' (New York 1918) ; Speranza, G. de, 'Italia Redenta> (in the Outlook, Vol. CXXII, New York, January-April 1916).