It has already been mentioned that, until the end of the pontificate of Leo XIII the Clericals, as those are called in Italy in whom the reli gious sentiment prevails, and who obey the in junctions of the ecclesiastical authority, took no part in the political elections. But now the con stitutional candidates are frequently supported by Clericals in opposition to the Socialist can didates, and sometimes even to the Republicans. It, therefore, not infrequently happens that when two candidates are in the field—one constitutional and the other clerical — they vote for whichever candidate shows himself best disposed and less hostile toward the inter ests of the Church. In five or six districts the success of those candidates was assured who openly declared themselves the defenders of those interests. Although united in this one platform they yet act independently and all vote as they please on all questions that do not pertain to principles of religion, and hence do not form the nucleus of a true political party.
At present more than four-fifths of the Ital ian deputies (about 420), openly adhere to the present monarchical institution under the House of Savoy. They are divided into the Right, the Constitutional Centre and the Constitutional Left; but these names have at the present time a signification which is largely topographical, i.e., having a relation to the position that each deputy occupies in the Chamber, or, at most, they serve to distinguish the adherents of the different parliamentary leaders. Thus, the fol lowers of Rudini prefer to remain on the Right, those of Sonnino are all found in the Centre, while on the Left are seated the most faithful constituents of Giolitti and all of those who were previously attached to the fortunes of Zanardelli.
With many exceptions, in the Constitutional Left may be found the greatest iympathy for a popular program, and above all, among the deputies who are the Extreme Left. There un doubtedly belong to the Constitutional Left many deputies who have positive anti-clerical sympathies, and many others who show no marked political preference and are always ready vote in favor of any government.
The deputies of the Extreme Left, who num ber about 90 and are subdivided into Radicals, Republicans and Socialists, have more pro nouncedpolitical sympathies. The first group (Radicals) is the most numerous; the second (Republicans) the smallest. Nevertheless, among the Radicals are some old Republicans, who with the lapse of time have come to admit that even a constitutional government may be come a legitimate government, that temporarily, at least, it may be of benefit to the country. The more stalwart Republicans, on the other hand, remain strictly faithful to the old plat form of Mazzini, but with some of them this fidelity is rather the result of attachment to their own political past than of a lasting convic tion and choice. The Socialists, finally, are sub divided into reformers and revolutionaries; but these two factions are determined rather by personal rivalry between the leaders of the party than by substantial differences in their platform. Although both adhere to the hu manist doctrine, for the time being they con fine themselves to supporting laws and provi sions that favor governmental or municipal ownership of public institutions, and strengthen the hand of the labor unions.
The parliamentary system in Italy being as it is, the Ministry should naturally control the majority of the Chamber. This majority is or dinarily composed of deputies from the Right, the Constitutional Centre and the Constitu tional Left, with this distinction — that some times the one wing predominates, sometimes the other. It is not infrequent that the Radi cals, and even the Republicans and the Social ists, vote for a time for a certain Minister on the promise of a certain law or provision in which they are interested. There is always, however, in the Chamber, a more or less numer ous party of the opposition formed by two groups of constitutional deputies whose leaders do not form a part of the Ministry, and these are joined by some independent deputies and those who, for personal reasons, are dissatisfied with the government. In the long run the opposition can also always count on the support of the Extreme Left, or at least of the greater portion of it.
This almost anarchical condition of Italian political parties may well astonish those who are accustomed to the more severe discipline of in the United States of America, in Eng land, and even in Belgium. But we must take into consideration that in Italy political parties exist rather in the Chamber of Deputies than in the whole country. In fact, outside of the Chamber, only the Socialists and the Clericals have truly organized parties. The truth is that the great majority of Italian candidates count primarily on personal friendship, loyalty and in fluence for their success rather than on the sup port of a political party; and although there are a certain number of persons, particularly in large cities, who vote according to their politi cal convictions, there are more who cast their vote purely and simply for the than they know and respect, or from whom they hope to gain some advantage.
The consequence of this is that one finds some districts in which there are no Republican electors, electing a Republican deputy, and a district, which yesterday elected a man of the Right Wing, the next day— without any change having taken place in the political opinions of the electors — electing a man of the Left Wing, and even a Radical. Primarily, therefore, in the majority of cases it is the deputy who gives the political trend to the district, not the dis trict that influences the deputy. The deputies, therefore, entering the Chamber not through the means, of a party, but almost free from all party obligations, usually place themselves at the disposal of the parliamentary leader who inspires them with the most confidence, or the greatest sympathy. And if the new deputy should hold himself aloof and he seldom does it from noble and worthy motives, buemore frequently in order to be better able to give his vote to the whole Ministry in ex change for some local advantage for his own district, or for some personal gain for himself or his friends who have been most active in the elections.
Consult Lowell, A. L., Governments of France, Italy, and Germany' (Cambridge, Mass., 1914) ; Colaianni, N., partiti politics in Italia) (Rome 1912).