Germany to make full reparation for her crime against the world.
A lasting peace which hooves America the master of her destiny — a nation =beguiled by international or socialistic dreams.
Revitalise the Hague tribunaL Create machinery to insure observance of its awards.
Political and economical independence for the United States.
— The Monroe doctrine to be respected and enforced.
No foreign power to have the right to meddle in American affairs.
No Europe= interference in Cuba, Menke, the Carib the nama Philipcanal pines.
to Pa be owned, controlled and fortified by the United States.
A rally strong enough to guard our commerce and our strong army to repel invasion and resist aggression. Universal military training that we may always be pre pared for national defense.
Protection of American industry. No agreements with any other nations preventing the enactment of such tariff laws as we see frt.
Internal taxes an incident to revenue and not its chief reliance. No excessive and unequal burdens of taxation upon any section, industry or class.
A great merchant marine.
Congress to begin at once to were tremendous probates* soon to be upon us. We who were criminally unprepared for war must not be unprepared for peace.
When war is done, to lose no time in bringing home the men who have been fighting overseas.
To atop the insidious growth of bureaucratic government and put an end to the petty tyranny of manifold commis sions.
No government ownership except of undisputed frOVern. ment activities.
To restore freedom of speech and of the press.
To reassert the constitutional prerogative of Congress that this may once more be a government of laws and not of men, Having fought to rid the world of Prussianism, let us not Prussianize ourselves.
This platform, promulgated before the armistice with Germany became effective on 11 Nov. 1918 not only anticipated the termina tion of diplomatic negotiations in the settle ment of terms of peace but also defined the party's attitude on foreign and domestic prob lems which speedily pressed for solution. After
the conclusion of the armistice with Germany, President Wilson hastened to Europe to con duct in person the negotiations for peace on behalf of the United States. He remained abroad until the end of February 1919 return ing for a few days in order to sign the bills passed by Congress in the closing days of its session; he then returned to France and re trained abroad until July, when he brought back with him the treaty with Germany, which he and the representatives of other powers had signed, including the covenant of a League of Nations, the ostensible object of which was to create an organization through which the permanent peace of the world might be secured. The Senate, deprived of the usual sources of information with regard to the details of the treaty of peace, undertook to consider that great question with . the aid of such inquiries as it could institute on its own initiative. The of the Republicans in the Senate be lieved that the treaty as signed, including the covenant of the League of Nations, failed to protect American interests and imperilled rec ognized American doctrines. The division in the Senate and in the country was not strictly on party lines. Some Democratic leaders were equally insistent with the majority of Repub licans in their determination to Americanise the treaty and so amend the covenant of the League of Nations that it should not endanger national interests. As the inquiry in the Senate pro ceeded, the debate became nation-wide .and the feeling throughout the country strengthened that in the parleys at Paris, American delegates had entered into engagements to which the Senate could not assent without betraying the United States. There was an insistent demand that the treaty be rejected altogether and that the Congress by resolution declare a state of peace. So strong did this feeling grow that on 4 Sep tember the President began a tour of the country in nrcipr to cave big work at Paris from defeat