Already in April 1911 the Progressive wing of the Republicans made preparation to en sure the nomination of one of their members in 1912. For a time it appeared that Senator La Follette would be the Progressive leader against reaction in the Republican National Convention of 1912. Certain interests, how ever, were able to cause his candidacy to be dropped and his followers at once transferred their allegiance to Roosevelt. The latter was less uncompromising than La Follette, having yielded to the special interests whenever he could make an advance by so doing. Good government had no more doughty champion than he and popular rights no advocate more sincere. The contest for the Republican nomi nation by the spring of 1912 dwindled to a struggle between the followers of Taft and Roosevelt. The contest was one of the most hitter in our political history because of the former close relations existing between the two candidates. The issues, however, were sharply defined. Taft stood forth the champion of privilege while Roosevelt as throughout his career espoused the cause of democracy, or government by the people.
The crisis came at the Chicago Convention of the Republican party, 18-22 June 1912. The delegates to that convention were of three classes according to mode of selection: Those elected by State conventions, those chosen di rectly by the people and those chosen di rectly under pledge to vote for designated candidates. The reactionaries under Taft con trolled the first or "machine" group; the two other groups were largely controlled by Roose velt. It was soon observed that the contest would be close and the fight was soon centred ou those delegates whose seats were contested, neither candidate having a clear majority of uncontested seats. The reactionary National Committee, appointed four years before, now proceeded to award the contested seats and adjusted matters so that Taft was ensured a majority. The Progressives claimed that these dccisions were made in bad faith, that the nomination was stolen, and they withdrew from the convention. Whey a rump con vention to discuss future plans. Roosevelt told the delegates to return to their homes, sound the popular sentiment and return to Chicago on. 5 August, when if the popular demand should be sufficiently strong, a third party would be established. On 5 August the Pro gressive delegates met again in Chicago and reported an overwhelming popular demand for a new party opposed. to boss rule and machine politics. On 6 August Mr. Roose velt in what he called his *Confession of Faith" outlined the purposes of the new party, stating that: "the old parties are husks, with no real soul within either, divided on artificial lines, boss-ridden and privilege-controlled, each a jumble of incongruous elements, and neither daring to speak out wisely and fearlessly what should be said on the vital issues of the day."
The new Progressive movement he character ized as "a movement of truth, sincerity and wisdom, a movement which proposes to put at the service of all our people the collective power of the people, through their governmen tal agencies, alike in the Nation and in the several States. . . . We propose to raise aloft a standard to which all honest men can repair, and under which all can fight, no mat ter what their political differences, if they are content to face the future and no longer to dwell among the dead issues of the past." Roosevelt was nominated for the Presidency and HiramJohnson of California for Vice President. 'The platform of the new party promised the five reforms outlined above as the demands of the National Progressive League and also outlined a program of social and industrial justice, to correct or mitigate the injurious effects incident to our modern in dustry. Within the three months following the convention the Progressive party organized it self from the national committee down to the local election district and at the November election polled more than 4,000,000 votes—a feat unparalleled in all political history. When the Presidential campaign of 1916 arrived and Mr. Hughes became the Republican candidate, old animosities were laid aside and Mr. Roose velt and nearly all of his Progressive follow ers supported the old party, believing rightly that a division would again make for a Demo cratic victory and four more years of Wilson and Democratic administration. Tactless blun ders by a few campaign managers nullified Mr. Roosevelt's efforts and Wilson secured a second term. In October 1919 an intimate friend of Mr. Roosevelt disclosed the fact that the latter was preparing to secure the nomination for the Presidency in 1920, when he prophesied that the standpatters would have to take him and "with a larger dose" of reform than in 1904. His untimely death removed America's most progressive and most earnest leader; perhaps, the only man who was able to place a strong government in Washington instead of a cabal of theorists and impractical idealists. Consult La Follette, R. M., 'Autobiography' (1918) ; Roosevelt, Theodore, Shalt Not Steal' (in the Outlook of 12 July 1913) ; id. 'Pro gressive Principles,' edited by Elmer H. Young man (New York 1913) ; De Witt, B. P., 'The Progressive Movement' (ib. 1915) ; Walling, W. E. 'Progressivism—and After' (ib. 1914) ; York ork Times of 17 Oct. 1919; Literary Di gest of 18 Oct. 1919.