Hardly had things been set aright in the new nation's household than there came disturbing forces from abroad. The French people had gone upon a wild quest for liberty that threat ened to turn the world upside down. The mad ness spread even to America—or rather seemed to leap by a strong attraction straight to Amer ica's democratic shores. France was soon fight ing the conservative world, and what was more fitting than that liberal America should come to her aid? A French agent hastened to Atnerica to ask the people that very question. Washing ton determined that America, herself but °in a convalescent state,° should not be drawn. into the European struggle. She was too provincial at the best, too interested in European opinion and politics, and too oblivious of her own na tionality. °I vrant an American character,'" the wise President declared, °that the powers of Europe may be convinced we act for ourselves, and not for others.° He would avoid their dis putes and their politics, and he purposed °if they will harass one another, to avail ourselves of the neutral conduct we have adopted." Wa-shington, with a , few others, stood almost alone in the advocacy of statesmanship rather than sentiment. In a few months, however, the public eyes were able to see more clearly, and the administration got the support that it deserved. The demands of the French revolu tionary government were refused, and the Pres ident issued a proclamation of neutrality.
Meanwhile the country had learned that the new central government proposed to enforce its laws even within State boundaries. The rebel: lion in the back counties of Pennsylvania was quelled the strong action of the central power. There could be no return to the time when there was no power but that of an indi vidual State. The national government was expected thereafter to make itself felt directly upon the individual, and men began to look to it therefore in awe and reverence.
A second time Washington consented to hold the reins of power, and again, as in the Revolu tion, he felt the bitterness of unpopularity. All
the honor that he had gained could not protect him from the hasty wrath of a people dissatis fied with his policy toward England. Because he strove for peace he was roundly abused in terms scarcely suited (to a Nero, a notorious defaulter, or even a common pickpocket, It saddened but did not change him. He was only the more unwilling to serve another term, and, when his eight years of civil service ended, he said farewell to the people he had served through a generation. He gave them the sim ple advice that they most needed. Tears coursed down his cheeks as he turned for the last time from the throng that had listened to him in love and sorrow. Three years he lingered in retire ment at Mount Vernon, and then died, as he had wished to live, 'amid the mild concerns of ordi nary li f e.) Bibliography.— Baker, W. S., (Itinerary of Washington' (Philadelphia 1892) ; Carrington, H. B., (Washington the Soldier' ; Ford, P. L., 'The True George Washington) (Philadelphia 1896) • Harrison, J. A., (Washington) (1906) ; Hawoi-th, P. L., (George Washington: Farmer) (Indianapolis 1915) •, Rush, R.; (Washington in Domestic Life) (Philadelphia 1857) -, Schauf fler, R. H'., (Washington's Birthday) (New York 1910); Trevelyan. G. O., (The Amerman Revo lution) (ib. 1905-12) ; Whipple, (Story Life of Washington) (1911) ; lives and studies by E. E. Hale (New York 1888), Washington Irving (ib. 1855-59) ; H. C Lodge (in the (American Statesman Series,) Boston 1898), John Marshall (Philadelphia 1804-07), B. T. Thayer (New York 1894), Woodrow Wilson (ib. 1897). Con sult also 'The Writings of George Washing-. ton) (edited by W. C. Ford, 14 vols., New York 1889-93) ; (Letters to Washington) (ed ited by S. M. Hamilton, 5 vols., Boston 1898 1902) ; (Life and Writings of George Wash ington) (edited by Jared Sparks. ib. 1834-37) ; and standard histories of the United States.