nom 1813 to 1817 Webster served New Hampshire in the House of Representatives. He opposed the Madison administration at every as every good New Englander must do. His protests against the conduct of the war, mains* Federal interference with New England trade and against the conscription of soldiers to fatht the war were all animated by a warm and rem impassioned sectionalism that reminded awe of the Massachusetts secessionist, Josiah Quincy, just retired in disgust from a govern ment which seemed destined to remain in the bands of slave-holding Southerners anti ign0 rant frontiersmen. If Webster was more dis creet, it was probably because the exasperation of Southern leadership was not quite so dis turbing to him. But Webster was already a great lawyer and very much of his time, as well as the best of his talent, was during these four years spent in the Federal courts, both at Bos ton and in Washington where Chief Justice Marshall took pains to express his hearty ad miration of a fellow partisan who could distress Mr. Madison. When the second term in the house was about to expire, Webster declined to offer himself in New Hampshire for re-election and removed to Boston, having first thought of making New York his home— for there, he said, the great decisions of the near future would be made.
In Boston, he quickly received that recogni tion and adulation which seems to have become necessary to his happiness and success. From 1816 to 1823. he again practised his profession with eminent success. His income from fees increased, in spite of the lean years that followed the close of the war with England, from $2,000 to $20.000 a year. The wealthy and the distin guished yielded to the son of the New Hamp shire frontiersman who lived in the handsome house on Somerset street and deported himself all the dignity of a Cabot or a Dana. Wnh wealth abounding and social distinction undis puted, even in Boston, \1ebster now gave him self to the delivery of a series of commemora Use orations that made his name known wher ever New Englanders dwelt or New England newspapers were read. The Plymouth (1820) and the Bunker Hill (1826) addresses were the best of theselthough others, like that on the W Character of Washington and on the Landing at Plymouth, were reprinted in every important eastern paper. It was the day of oratory. There were few scholars and the clergy were fast losing their former mastery of the popular imagination. Public men must be learned, or appear to be so, and they must on occasion dis play their learning and their fine phrases in well-rounded periods. Of all Americans who essayed the role of classic oratory on the fron tier soil of America Webster was the foremost.
He had a remarkable personality; hit voice and manner were both imposing and winning; and he had a memory that always served him ad mirably. When Webster spoke men laid down their tools or stopped their plows in the field and went to hear him. They would gladly stand in great outdoor audiences or crowd themselves into Faneuil Hall for hours at a time on hot days in order to look upon his majestic form or follow his moving imagery. Thus, before the great stniggle in the country about the tariff and the powers of the Federal government. Webster was prepared as few men ever had been prepared for attack or defense.
It was an easy matter, then, in 1f 22 for him to procure once more a seat in the national ifouse of Representatives. He represented Boston. He was a strict sectionalist. In 1814. when he spoke for a New Hampshire constitu ency, he had threatened to resist the national authority and he sympathized fully with those recalcitrant governors and judges of New Eng land who refused to furnish troops to the na tional administration or who declared Federal laws inoperative in States that did not approve Federal policy. In 1820 Webster was much opposed to the tariff laws of the Union that he threatened secession in a notable speech. When he appeared in his place in the national legisla ture late in 1823 he was ready for a great struggle.
Henry Clay was the leader of the House of Representatives at that time and he was press ing with all his energies the tariff and internal improvement bills which together he christened the 'American System.' Webster opposed Clay in the best speech that had ever been made in Congress on the subject of the tariff. It is known as his free trade speech. It was deliv ered in 1824. The arguments which he then arranged and massed in consummate style have never been answered. But New England was changing. He was a New Englander. In 1825 a New Englander, John Quincy Adams, became President and half of New England changed its investments from shipping to manufactures. Before 1828 Webster was himself in a quandary. He must change his attitude or cease to play a part in public life. His position was exactly parallel to that of Calhoun who had been a strenuous protectionist but whose constituents now became free traders. Calhoun abandoned protection which South Carolina would no longer endure; and Webster abandoned free trade which Massachusetts then and henceforth condemned. Calhoun was the Vice-President and very ambitious to be President. Webster was elected to the Senate in 1827 and he too soon became possessed with the ambition to rise to the presidency.