The tendencies referred to receive consid erate treatment at the hands of M. Denis ('Le-Bresil,) etc.). 'The States—the one-time he writes, 'enjoy a very large degree of independence. Each of them forms an actual nation, with its elective authorities and its autonomous adtninistration.) He finds that individual states 'freely negotiate contracts with foreign companies or syndicates for the execution of public works or raising loans. They have their systems of justice and of public education. Some of them have representatives in Europe who play the part almost of diplomatists; who have been known to hold conferences and to sign conven tions without the intervention of any Federal authority. The Constitution has afforded them an important source of revenue in allow ing them to establish export duties. I believe there is no State budget which does not place export duties in the first rank among its re ceipts. The export duty on coffee swells the budget of Sao Paulo, as the export duty on mate swells that of Parana. Thus Brazil has a double line of custom-houses, one facing out ward, one inward. The duties collected upon foreign merchandise entering the country being a Federal matter, depends upon the central gov ernment; but the export duties are State prop erty. In equilibrium with the States the Con stitution erects the Federal government." Now, the Union (if we adopt the shorter name, pre ferred by the people themselves), by the regu lation of monetary questions and by the settle ment of the customs tariff, exercises a deeply felt influence over the national life; and al though at first very narrowly confined to speci fied functions, a tendency has become manifest to exalt its authority and dignity. 'In the first place the Union acquired its own territory-- the Territo of Acre, which was ceded by Bolivia by the treaty of Petropolis. This territory is a considerable portion of the Ama zonian plain, and one of the chief rubber-pro ducing countries. Instead of making a new state of Acre, it has been kept by the Union as a kind of dower. The Union collects the export duties on rubber, which duties, except in this Federal Territory, go to the treasuries of the States. The revenues of Acre were insuffi cient in the three years to pay off the indemnity to Bolivia. To-day they are added to the other sources of Federal revenue, and form a notable addition to the Union's An indication that the Union has begun to 'find itself" is this: it decided to intervene, or to impose its will upon the more shiftless states, in respect to education and the colonization of immigrants. Viscount James Bryce writes that 'the im mense size of the country and its want of homogeneity suggested a Federal system, the basis for which already existed in the legisla tive assemblies of the provinces. Since then Brazil has had its full share of armed risings and civil wars. At first the States were allowed
the full exercise of the large functions which the constitution allotted to them, including the raising of revenue by duties on exports and the maintenance of a police force which in some States was indistinguishable from an army. Presently attempts were made to draw the reins tighter, and these attempts have continued till now." His observations and impressions in this field are to the effect that the national govern ment 'has latterly endeavored to exert over the States a greater control than some of them seem willing to accept. Nor is this the only difficulty. While some of the States, and es pecially the southern, have an intelligent and energetic population, others remain far behind, their citizens too ignorant and lazy, or too un stable and emotional, to be fit for self-govern ment. Universal suffrage in districts where the majority of the voters are illiterate persons of color suggests, if it does not justify, extra legal methods of handling elections. One ille gality breeds another, and there is perpetuated a distrust of authority and a resort to violence.) In many regions it is quite true that the zilian constitution, as M. Georges Clemenceau writes in his 'South America of To-day,' 'enjoys a chiefly theoretic authority." Viscount James Bryce continues: "In the Brazilian poli tics of to-day there are many factions, but no organized parties nor any definite principles or policies advocated by any group or groups of men. Federal issues are crossed and warped by State issues, State issues confused by Fed eral issues, and both sets of issues turn rather on persons than on general doctrines or specific practical proposals. One source of dissension is, however, absent — that struggle of the Church and clericalism against the principles of re ligious equality which has distracted the Span ish-Amencan republics. In Brazil the separa tion of Church and State is complete, and though the diplomatic corps enjoys the presence of a papal Nuncio as one of its members, this adherence to tradition has no present political significance. The absence or the fluidity of parties makes the executive stronger than the legislature both in National and State politics. There are•many men of talent, especially ora torical talent, and many men of force, but not enough who show constructive power and the grasp of mind needed to handle the enormous economic problems which a country so vast, so rich and so various presents.' He concludes, however, that it is too soon to be despondent, inasmuch as the country has been free from the taint of slavery only since 1888, and has been a republic only since 1891. Consult Bryce, J., 'South America' (New York 1912). See bib liographies under HISTORY and other titles in the Brazilian series.