Whatever his shortcomings in managing his private affairs, his services to the public were very great. He was on the side of the people in the long contest over John Wilkes. Since his sentiments on this subject were in general those of the (Letters) of Junius, he was suspected of being Junius. This accusation he denied; and his
on the Cause of the Present Dis contents) (1770) showed so many differences on minor points that — were no other evidence available—it must be concluded that Burke was not Junius. In the
Burke argued that the King and a small knot of advisers were building up power for themselves; that powers of government are held in trust for the people; and that popular impatience must therefore be indulged. But, true to his conservative in stincts, he would not accept the radical reforms commonly proposed — universal suffrage and the disfranchisement of
boroughs.* He would have changes more gradual. During the years immediately following 1770 Burke devoted his energies to keeping the Rockingham Whigs united against the efforts of the King to win them over. Without Burke, says John Morley, (
By this time Burke had won a substantial reputation throughout the United Kingdom. Indeed, as early as 1766 at least one Irish munic ipality had voted him the freedom of the city; and in succeeding years English mercantile organizations passed resolutions commending his labors in behalf of commerce. Finally in 1774, when troubles with America were thicken ing, Bristol, the trading centre of the west of England, a city which had everything to lose and nothing to gain from a war with the colo nies, elected him to Parliament. At the con clusion of the poll his colleagues had promised obedience to the instructions of his constituents. Burke, however, declared his independence: Your representative owes you, not his industry only but his judgment; and he betrays you in stead of serving you if he sacrifices it to your opinion." To this declaration he adhered when in 1778 a bill was proposed relaxing restrictions upon Irish commerce. The English merchants, including those of Bristol, protested; but Burke replied, (England and Ireland may flourish to gether. The world is large enough for us both. Let it be our care not to make ourselves too little for it.'" letters to Gentlemen in Bristol'). For this liberality Burke was never •
forgiven, and in the election of 1780 he was forced to seek a new constituency.
It was during his six years as member for .
Bristol that, in the contest over America, he rose to his full height as a statesman. He was almost alone among the speech-makers of that time in always going below the superficial con siderations of the moment to the fundamental fact that in the long run restraint and violence defeat themselves. In addition to many minor speeches scattered through the History' he made three great contributions to the subject — 'Speech on American Taxation,' 19 April 1774; on Conciliation,' 22 March. 1775, and (Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol,' 3 April 1777. In the first he argued that the tea duty was of no use to England for revenue; that it served only to irritate the Americans, and that by winning the loyalty of the colonists England would get more than she could ever take by force. In the second speech Burke maintained that England must conciliate, and that the only way was by yielding. In the 'Letter' he reviewed the struggle and in the light of events justified his own position. Of the three pieces that on (Conciliation' is the best. Not even when dealing with India does Burke excel in grasp of details, in lucid pres entation of a large mass of facts, and in rip ened political wisdom. Then, too, he saw what so many failed to observe, that the real cause of the contest lay deeper than the casual orders of a governor or the retaliation of a mob, and that America, in resisting the encroachments of royal prerogative, was fighting a battle for the liberties of Englishmen at home.
Though Burke could not win over Parlia ment to his views on America, he had better success with his 'Speech on the Plan for Eco nomical Reform' (1780). People were stag gering under the debt from the American war and agitating for a general reform of Parlia ment. Burke opposed such radical changes; he proposed to abolish some offices, consolidate others and reduce salaries. One of the offices which he reformed, that of paymaster of the forces, he himself occupied in 1782. At that time the North ministry yielded to the Whigs, who were temporarily united under Lord Rock ingham, Charles James Fox and Lord Shel burne. Burke, owing in part to infirmities of his temper and the suspicions against him, got only this third-rate position, instead of a place in the cabinet. The Whigs were scarcely in their seats when Lord Rockingham died and Lord Shelburne became head of the adminis tration. At once Fox and Burke refused to work with him, and by joining their old enemy, Lord North, in what is known as the Coalition, they broke up the Whig party. Burke is accused of deserting his principles for purely personal motives. His conduct is hard to de fend, for he attacked Shelburne with asperity, and under the Coalition resumed for a few months the office of paymaster.