RULE), the stirring events in the Ohio Valley and in distant Arcadia foreshadowed a great crisis, during which territorial disputes, aggres sions and political intrigues would be lost sight of for the moment, and the question paramount would be the supremacy of France or of Eng land in North America. The policy of France, as dictated from Versailles, had not been broad enough to successfully promote colonization, in the sense of expansion, or even to maintain permanent occupancy, although this was much desired. And the honest designs of her colonial administrator, La Galissonniere, to increase the dominion of his royal master, at an opportune moment, met with no responsive aid. The mother country was wedded to schemes of ag grandizement at home, and was inclined to leave her colony to work out its own future. Besides, the French thens now, were rather N a stay-at-home people. New France was con sequently weak in population, and not in a position to retain her empire in the North, and, moreover, her influence was being undermined by official corruption. Great Britain, on the other hand, had the real advantage of superior numbers in the New World, although she had no definite colonial policy, and was already smarting from the effects of an earlier admin istration, due rather to ignorance than to knavery. The disputes touching possessions in Acadia were of long standing. By the 12th article of the Treaty of Utrecht (see UTRECHT, PEACE OF), Nova Scotia, within its ancient boundaries, had been ceded to the Crown of England. A controversy soon arose over the interpretation of a certain clause. Great Brit ain claimed that her possessions under the Treaty of Utrecht were of the same extent as those acquired by France under the Treaty of Breda; but France protested that the territory she then received was quite distinct from the ancient boundaries, which confined Nova Sco tia to a portion of the southern peninsula. At the conclusion of the Treaty of Aix-la-Cha pelle (see AIX-LA-CHAPELLE, TREATIES OF PEACE CONCLUDED AT), when Louisburg (q.v.) was restored to the French, the boundary ques tions were referred to commissioners, each Court agreeing that, until a decision was reached, no fort or settlement should be at tempted upon the debated ground. But the shrewd La Galissonniere, disregarding the stip ulation, if he was ever officially acquainted with it, commenced the construction of forts, and favored settlement upon the lands claimed by England. The importance of Nova Scotia in the future development of Canada was apparent to each nation, both from a strategic and com mercial point of view, but neither power could furnish from its colonial resources an army of sufficient strength to support its ambition. The policy of Great Britain toward Nova Scotia was most short-sighted. Instead of encourag ing the emigration of a desirable class, intended to grow up with the Acadians and form a united and loyal people, she allowed the French, for nearly 40 years, to regard the country in the light of an exclusive settlement. It is true
that they were good subjects; but they were French at heart, and it remained to be proved whether, under extraordinary pressure, their sympathies would incline to France or not. The possibility of such a contingency was for years practically ignored, but when it was seri ously considered the methods adopted were ill advised. The lands of the French were divided and subdivided, until new grants were neces sary; but Great Britain decreed that new lands could be acquired only by Protestants. The question of religion, therefore, became a condi tion of tenure. Shirley (see SHIRLEY, Wm unit), the energetic governor of Massachu setts, who was largely. responsible for the gov ernment of Nova Scotia, was firmly convinced that until French influence was exterminated British interests could not flourish; and so be endeavored to effect the conversion of the in habitants, suggesting that rewards be given to those who renounced their faith. The King favored an assurance that the people should enjoy the exercise of their religion, but Shirley, in a proclamation, omitted the passage as dangerous. The home government then con sented to a scheme for promoting the loyalty of the province by the importation of foreign to mingle with the Acadians— a fusion possible under the British flag, but doubt ful at such a critical moment, when the military organization was insufficient to protect the frontier, or to inspire confidence in the stability of British institutions. Government agents in Geneva, and elsewhere, were active in adver tising in the papers for settlers, and bargaining with poor artisans. But the scheme fell through; though at last 3,000 good settlers were landed at Chiboucto Bay in 1749, from which at length sprang the important naval post of Hali fax (q.v.). In the meantime, however, a great struggle was impending, which led to the depor tation of 8,000 Acadians (see article THE AC.ADIAN REFUGEES), whose subsequent misery and suffering contribute the darkest page to the history of Nova Scotia. A new oath of alle giance was demanded by Governor Cornwallis, which from time to time was deferred. While, on the other hand, the fiery zealot, Le Loutre (see LE Lourat, Louts JOSEPH), backed by the Indians, exercised every effort to retain in fluence over the people. •Le Loutre detested the English, and was generally successful in per suading the unhappy people that an oath of allegiance to a Protestant monarch was very much like being disloyal to their faith, the penalties for which did not cease with their natural existence. But; although the dark deeds which were being enacted in 1753, concerning Nova Scotia, had a distinct bearing upon the approaching conflict, they were of secondary importance to the great mass of the British colonists, when compared with the prize which both France and England coveted— the pc's, session of the Ohio Valley. The details of the contest in this section cannot be given here.
(See BRADDOCK, EDWARD; COLONIAL WARS IN