This actually happened in the case of Jefferson and Burr, and the struggle was only settled after 36 votes. The results were the adoption •of the 12th amendment to the constitution, regulating presidential elections and compelling electors to state which candidate was to have which office; the implacable hostility of Jeffer son to Burr, which killed the chance of the latter to rise further in his party, drove him into the arms of Federalists and ultimately ended in the murder of. Hamilton; and as the presidential electors had simply voted the tic kets dictated by the party representation in Congress, they instantly became, as they have ever since remained, nullities. The second oc casion was on 29 Feb. 1804, when the Repub licans (in open, not secret caucus) renomi nated Jefferson; they dropped Burr for George Clinton (New York still keeping the place), by 67 votes to 20 for Hugh H. Breck inridge of Pennsylvania, and some scattering. The Federalists held no ostensible caucus; but as they were scheming to support Burr for governor of New York, and with that prestige nominate him for President, the plan must ob viously have been agreed on in what served the purpose of caucuses. Burr's killing of Ham ilton spoiled this scheme, however; they noun nated Pinckney and King, and were almost annihilated. The third caucus was on 23 Jan. 1808, also by the Republicans; but only two thirds of the party members attended, as the conclusion was foregone. Madison and Clinton were nominated. Meantime the Virginia legis lature had split into Madison and Clinton fac tions, the former much the nomi nated separate sets of electors and carried the quarrel into Congress, where Monroe's party issued a manifesto protesting against both Madi son and Congressional caucuses. The Federal ists held none, and renominated their previous candidates. On 18 May 1812 the Republican or Democratic party held its fourth caucus, and renominated Madison on his express agreement to declare war against Great Britain; also nom inating Elbridge Gerry for Vice-President. This time they appointed a national committee to see that the nomination was respected. The New York Democrats however, were very restive under the °Virginia dynasty' and the °secre tary of state dynasty'; and their members of the legislature held a caucus, nominated George Clinton and protested against the Congres sional caucus as always nominating a Virginia candidate. A secret caucus or convention of Federalists was held in New York in Septem bers, adopted the Clinton nomination and nom inated Jared Ingersoll for Vice-President. On 29 March 1816 the Democrats, now practically the only existent party, held the last caucus which accomplished anything. Henry Clay
and another member introduced resolutions that the caucus nominations be abolished, but were voted down; and Monroe was nominated, by no great margin, over William H. Crawford of Georgia. Daniel D. Tompkins of New York was nominated for Vice-President. In 1820 a caucus was summoned, but only about 50 mem bers responded, and they took no action. The general feeling was now strong against the sys tem, as there was but one party, and a nomina tion by caucus was equivalent to allowing Congress to appoint the President and Vice-President. In 1824 several State leg islatures passed resolutions forbidding the State representation in Congress to attend a caucus if one we're called. But the Crawford party, who wished to give his nomination the prestige of a national verdict, held one at which about a fourth of the members attended, and nominated him and Albert Gallatin. It can hardly have gained him much support, however, and a paralytic stroke finished what ever chance he might have had. In the next (1828) campaign, the State legislatures made the nominations; and in 1832 the nominating convention was introduced.
In recent years an adaptation of the Senate caucus, known as Aldrichism, was revived in 1910, to replace Cannonism which had become of ill repute among the voters, and had been partly overthrown in the 61st session of Con gress. The essence of Cannonism had been the control of the House by the speaker, through his power of appointment of commit tees and his domination of the rules commit tee, backed by the power of the majority cau cus. The essence of the new system adopted by the Democrats for the 62d, 63d and 64th Congresses was direct control of legislative min by the caucus itself. As at present con stituted, the Democratic caucus is composed of all members of the majority party in the House. For the election of caucus officers and for the nomination of candidates for House officers, a majority of those voting binds the entire caucus. In deciding upon action in the House involving party policy or principle, a two-thirds vote of those present and voting at a caucus meeting binds all members of the cau cus; provided, the said two-thirds vote is a majority of the full Democratic membership of the House, and provided further, that no member shall be bound upon questions involv ing a construction of the constitution of the United States or upon which he made con trary pledges to his constituents prior to his election or received contrary instructions by resolutions or platform from his nominating authority. If a member decides not to be bound by the caucus on any question, he must notify the caucus in advance. See UNITED