It was in Scotland, however, that formal warlike opposition was commenced. From the beginning of his reign Charles had endeavored to introduce into that country a liturgy copied from the English—an innovation which pro duced the most violent tumults and ended in the formation of the famous °Covenant') in 1638, by which all classes of people mutually engaged to stand by each other and the aboli tion of episcopacy. The covenanters levied an army, which the King, opposed by an ill-disciplined English force, so equivocally inclined, that, not able to trust it, Charles agreed to a pacification known as the Treaty of Berwick (1639). i His finances being ex hausted, after an intermission of 11 years, he again assembled Parliament, which, as usual, began to state grievances previous to granting supplies. Losing all patience, the King once more hastily dissolved it, and prose cuted several members who had distinguished themselves by their opposition. Raising money in the best manner he could devise, an English army was again made to proceed toward the north; but, being defeated by the Scots, it be came obvious that affairs could no longer be managed without a Parliament, and in 1640 that dreaded assembly was again summoned, which proved to be the famous Long Parlia ment, whose career forms so memorable a chapter in English history. Charles soon found himself obliged to be a comparatively passive spectator of the ascendency of the House of Commons and was obliged, both in Scotland and in England, to yield to the tor rent which assailed him.
In the meantime a flame burst out in Ire land, which had no small effect in kindling the ensuing conflagration at home. The oppressed Roman Catholic population of that country, during the confusion of the times, rose against the government for the purpose of regaining their rights. Very exaggerated accounts of the massacre of the Protestants are given by sev eral historians. Later writers have established the fact that the number who perished in this insurrection was not great.
The Parliament being summoned, the King left the conduct of the war entirely to it; but it now became evident that the Commons in tended systematically to pursue their advan tages and to reduce the Crown to a state of complete dependence. They framed a remon strance containing a recapitulation of all the errors of the reign; renewed an attempt for excluding bishops from the House of Lords; passed ordinances against superstitious prac tices and so inflamed the popular odium against the Episcopal orders as to intimidate its mem bers from attending to their duty in Parlia ment.
At length, it being apparent that either zealous adherents or prerogative of those anx ious to establish the government on a more democratic basis must give way, Charles caused his attorney-general to enter in the House of Peers, an accusation against five leading members of the Commons, and sent a sergeant-at-arms to the House to demand them. Receiving an evasive answer, he, the next day (4 Jan. 1642),proceeded himself to the House, with an armed retinue, to seize their persons.
Aware of this intention, they had previously withdrawn; but the King's appearance with a guard caused the House to break up in great disorder and indignation. The accused mem bers retired into the city, where a committee of the House was appointed to sit, and the city militia was mustered under an officer appointed by Parliament, which also demanded control of the army. Here the King made his last stand, the matter having now arrived at a point which arms alone could decide. The Queen fled to Holland to procure ammunition, and Charles, with the Prince of Wales, proceeded north, and for a time fixed his residence at York. The King was received in hisprogress with great demonstrations of loyalty from the gentry; and many eminent and virtuous char acters, the conscientious opposers of his arbi trary measuresin the first instance, now joined his party. On the other hand, all the Puritans, the inhabitants of the great trading towns and those who had adopted republican notions of government, sided with the Parliament,. and in no public contest was more private and pub lic virtue ranged on both sides, however al loyed, as in all such cases, with ambition, big otry and the baser passions. The royal stand ard was raised at Nottingham, 22 Aug. 1642.
The first action of consequence in the civil war was the battle of Edge Hill 23 Oct. 1642, which, although indecisive, enabled the King to approach London and produced consider able alarm. Nothing decisive, however, hap pened against the royal side till the battle of Marston Moor, which was gained chiefly by the skill and valor of Cromwell. Montrose's suc cession in the Scottish highlands in 1644-45 created divisions in favor of the royalists. The succeeding year (2 July 1644), however, com pleted the ruin of the King's affairs, by the loss of the battle of Naseby (14 June 1645).
Thenceforward a series of disasters at tended his armies throughout the kingdom, and he took the resolution of throwing himself into the hands of the Scottish army, then lying before Newark, 5 May 1646. He was received with respect, although placed under guard as a prisoner; and, a series of abortive negotiations ensuing, an agreement was made with Parlia ment to surrender him to their commissioners, on the payment of a large sum, claimed as arrears by the Scottish army. The King was accordingly surrendered to the commissioners appointed 30 Jan. 1647, and carried, in the first place, to Holmby House, in Northamptonshire; subsequently to the headquarters of the army at Reading; and soon after to Hampton Court. In the meantime, however, the army and In dependents becoming all powerful, he was led into some fears for his personal safety, and, making his escape with a few attendants, pro ceeded to the south coast. Not meeting a ves sel, as he expected, he crossed over to the Isle of Wight, and put himself into the hands of Hammond, the governor, by whom he was lodged in Carisbrooke Castle.