Thus appeared the complexion of Balkan politics on the eve of the Congress of Berlin (13 July 1878). At this Congress Russia and Austria did not enter with free hands, for previously each had made a secret treaty with the other (at Reichstadt, 8 July 1876) whereby for Austria's lack of participation in Russia's Turkish imbroglio Russia granted Austria the ultimate disposal of Bosnia and Herzegovina. By the Treaty of Berlin Serbia gained four districts, Nish, Vranye, Pirot and Toplitsa. Montenegro was to receive compensation in lands, accession to the sea and complete in dependence. Bosnia and Herzegovina fell as spoil to Austria, according to article 25, of the °honest broker's dispensation.* Austria justi fied this stipulation by the need of making peace in that territory. Serbia, not knowing of Austria's secret understanding with Russia, naturally resented the disposal of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A new insurrection broke out in Bosnia (Hadji-Loja), and Bismarck was known to have exclaimed that all the Balkans were not worth the bones of a single Pomera nian grenadier.
The Treaty of Berlin, the Magna Charta of the Near East, did not by any means succeed in securing the peace of the Balkan states. Al most without exception each signatory power violated some provision of this solemn inter national agreement. Great Britain occupied Cyprus, the third largest island in the Mediter ranean, Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia Herzegovina, Russia closed and fortified Batum, and Turkey did not introduce promised reforms into Armenia and Macedonia. Even the Balkan states themselves were guilty of violating the treaty, for Bulgaria annexed eastern and Serbia, jealous at seeing the Balkan equilibrium upset, declared war upon Bulgaria, 14 Nov. 1885. Yet the war, lost by Serbia to Bulgaria, brought no issue other than status quo ante-bellum, which gave prominence to the alliances existent at that time, of Austria with Serbia, and Russia with Bulgaria— alliances which within the next generation were to be completely reversed.
In Turkey political events following the Congress of Berlin were coincident with the reign of Sultan Abdul-Hamid II, who cen tralized his government to a great extent. Pan Islamism ran apace with Pan-Germanism and Pan-Slavism. An alliance was cemented be tween the sultan and Germany, which was anxious to hold and control the Bagdad Rail way (1902). In fact even from 1888 this pact had been growing, while Great Britain since her occupation of interests, was becoming indif ferent to Turkish nterests, no longer needing the latter as a foil to Russian aggrandizement in the Middle East. Disturbed by the German advance in the East, however, she came to a rapprochment with Russia in 1907, opposing bitterly Germany's aspirations toward the Persian Gulf. More perilous to European peace, however, than any of these issues was the perennial unrest in Macedonia, which threatened again to open up the whole Eastern Question. The situation was due to the in ternecine struggle of the rival Balkan nationali ties: Serbian, Greek and Bulgarian, which aimed at securing the right to reversion of territories not yet derelict. But behind these
lesser issues loomed as ever the great rivalries of the Triple Entente (France, Russia, Eng land) and the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria and Italy). Beyond the European powers the unknown forces of the Moham medan world were also ominously stirring. The very vastness of the perils involved in any attempt at a definite settlement compelled the powers to accept a compromise which, it was hoped, would restore tolerable conditions in the wretched countries. But the °Miirzsteg programme,* concerted between the Austrian and Russian emperors, and imposed upon the • Porte by diplomatic pressure did not produce the effect hoped for. In 1908 the powers were still united in bringing pressure to bear on Turkey to make the reforms effective, but the proposal of Great Britain to commit the ad ministration of Macedonia to a Mussulman governor appointed by the Sultan and remov able only by consent of .the powers, met with little favor either at Constantinople or among the powers whose ulterior aims might have been hampered by this arrangement.
Such was the condition of affairs when in 1908 the revolution in Turkey altered the whole situation. The easy and apparently complete victory of the Young Turks took the whole world by surprise. The question of the Near East seemed in fair way of settlement by the action of the conflicting races themselves, who in the enthusiasm of new-found freedom ap peared ready to forget their ancient internecine feuds and to fraternize on the common ground of constitutional liberty. The European powers received the proclamation of the constitution with unanimous approval. Whatever views, however, may have been openly expressed, or secretly held as to this revolution so far as it affected the Ottoman Empire itself, there could be no doubt that its effects on the general situation in Europe would be profound. These effects were not slow in revealing themselves. Prince Ferdinand proclaimed himself king (tsar) of Bulgaria 5 Oct. 1908; and two days later Emperor Francis Joseph issued a rescript announcing the annexation of Bosnia Herzegovina to the Hapsburg monarchy. What ever cogent reasons there may have been for altering the status of these countries in view of the changed conditions in Turkey, there could be no doubt that the method employed was a cynical violation of the public law of Europe. The other powers, confronted with the fait ac compli, protested, but the astute statesman, Baron von Aehrenthal, then Foreign Minister of the Dual Monarchy, gauged his opposition with Napoleon's dictum °Providence is with the big battalions.* The discordant Balkan states were quick to grasp this truth, and they tempo rarily reconciled themselves with circumstances. They realized that it was the immense armed power of Germany that had made Austria the arbiter in a question vitally affecting the in terests of the Balkan states. Germany alone emerged from the crisis with prestige enor mously enhanced; without her intervention Aus tria could not have resisted the pressure of the powers.