Nevertheless. in tribes somewhat more ad vanced but usually dwelling in extreme poverty, various forms of polyandry, or the union of one woman with two or more men, or of a group of women to a group of men. is found in many parts of the world, and undoubtedly prevailed widely in the past. In Tibetan polyandry, so called, the husbands are brothers. In Nair pol yandry, or the form which prevails among the Nairs of India, the husbands of a woman may originally have been strangers to one another. Ca-sar speaks of a polyandry like the Tibetan as practiced among the Britons. In the Hawaiian Islands before they were invaded by whites, a common form was the so-called Punaluan in which a number of brothers cohabited with a group of sisters, each man consorting with each woman, and each woman with each man. The men were not own brothers of their wives, but Lewis II. Morgan. from evidence which lie brought together in his work on Systems of Con sanguinity and Affinity. drew the conclusion that Punaluan polyandry had survived from what he called a 'Consanguine Family' formed by the mat ing of near kindred, such as own brothers and sisters and cousins. A conservative explanation of the known facts seems to be that primitive hordes, except perhaps in the most favorable en vironments, were small, as are the hordes of the lowest savages to-day, and were therefore composed of near kindred commonly marrying in and in. Under such circumstances the cohabit ing group may often have been a consanguine family in Morgan's sense of the term, a Punaluan family, or a family like that created by the Tibetan polyandry. Yet probably from the first a temporary consorting of one man with one woman was the more frequent arrangement. A horde thus marrying in and in is called mlog anions. Two ways in which a group becomes exogamous (taking consorts from other groups) are known. Where neighboring hordes. or groups of kindred, live on friendly terms with one another, often participating in common fes tivities or religious observances, men frequently leave their own kindred and go to dwell with women in another group. They become in such eases in many particulars subject to the male kindred of their wives. This arrangement has been caned Neenah marriage, the name given to it in Ceylon where it. was first carefully ob served. %Vliere neighboring groups live on bad terms with one another, frequently engaging in war, captured women may be appropriated by their captors. That wife capture has been a eustom in every part of the world i- admitted by all ethnologists. and there is a general agree ment that the not less widespread custom of wife purchase may have grown nut of wife capture. It is not, however, by any means certain that these methods, creative of the marriage relation which Rolbertson•Smith. in his work on Kinship
and Marriage in Early Arabia, has called Baal marriage, to distinguish it from Beenah mar riage, have been a more important cause of ex ogamy than the voluntary going of the men of one group to the women of another. The theories which seek to explain exogamy primarily by an avoidance of close interbreeding do not very well agree with the facts as thus far known. The practice of offering women to actual or potential foes as an net of propitiation prob ably played a large part in the origin of ex ogamic custom. The strict rule of exogamy is found only where the elan or yens (SIT GENs) is well developed. and it there is a rule of the elan as such. rather than of the horde or tribe. Where tribes are constituted of clans the elan is exogamous. and the tribe as a rule is endoga mous. That is to say, men may not marry their elansw llll wn, but usually marry women of an other elan within the same tribe.
The forms of sexual relationship thus far mentioned, let us now recall, are not necessarily marriages. Any one of them may exist in a com munity where the only legal union of man and woman. and the only one sanctioned by religion and public opinion. is monogamy. Any one of them becomes marriage- through social sanction. There can be little doubt that religious sanctions consti tuting marriage are older than the legal. Very suggestive studies of the origins of the religion: sanctions have been made by Ernest Crawley, The Mystic Rose: 'fully of Primilire riage. To the savage with his belief in imitative and sympathetic magic many things appear dan gerous, and he avoids them, making them taboo. Crawley finds that in savage emmounities the sexes are usually labial to one another until by static ceremony of magic the taboo is broken. The eeremonies, whereby boys and girls at. puberty are admitted to certain SeXUal mysteries, are of this nature. They partially break the sexual taboo. The marriage ceremony is the complete and final breaking. l'-ually whatever is taboo may safely be touched—in the ease of a food it may be eaten—if first it has been approaehed in some exceedingly careful partaken of in a homeopathic portion, whereby an immunity is established. Conformably to this idea the sexual taboo is broken by such harmless approaches as the joining of hands or the partak ing of a meal together, dose of the most fre quent incidents of marriage ceremony are thus seen to have had their origin in that savage magic which was the first great system of social sanctions, long antedating those which were de veloped into positive law.