IS23. she gave notice to the French Ambassador of her unfriendly attitude. This, followed by President Monroe's declaration. summarily checked the Powers. "We owe it, therefore," said :Monroe, "to candor and the amicable relations existing between the United States and these Powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. N\ ith the existing colonies and dependencies of any European Power we have not. interfered nor shall we interfere. But with the governnants who have declared their indepen dence aml manifested it, and whose independence we have on great consideration and just prin ciple: acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or in any other manlier controlling their destiny, than as a manifestation of an unfriendly dispo sition toward the United States." While Atoll roe's declaration was intended to meet the exi gencies of the time, the principle was no novel one, but rather the embodiment of an idea that had developed with the growth of nationality, and had been expressed in various forms in pre vions papers and correspondence of Monroe, Ada ins, and Jefferson. Two months before the publication of the message Jefferson had written: "Our first and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Eu rope. Our second, never to stiffer Europe to intermeddle with Cis-Atlantie affairs." The declaration, having accomplished its purpose. practically disappeared in its application with respect to the Holy Alliance, and the development of the policy for the next generation was the out growth of the colonization feature.
In 1845 President Polk took the first step toward extension of the principle. The north west boundary was again in issue, this time with t?reat Britain, and the Administration was com mitted to the annexation of Texas. "It should distinctly announced to the world," said Polk, "as our settled policy. that no future Euro pean colony or dominion shall with our consent be planted or established in any part of the North American continent." The doctrine was thus made to include acquisition by voluntary transfer or conquest of occupied territory. and a virtual protectorate over other American States in its application was announced, though limited to North America. Again in 1848. when the question of the occupation of Yucatan arose. Polk issued a second manifesto against the acquisition of such territory by voluntary trans fer or cession. In 1853. when the Cuban annexa tion discussion was at its height. a resolution was introduced into the Senate combining the doctrines of .lonroe and Polk: but it failed of passage, and the doctrine has never received ex press legislative sanction either by resolution or statute. It is therefore not a part of the law of the land, though with the predomi nance of the interests of the State: the policy in relation to both North and South America has been generally accepted by both political parties and the people, and its prin ciple have been given repeated recognition dur ing the past half eenfury in our foreign policy.
The interference 14 the United States in .Mexico. resulting in the withdrawal of the French in and Preshlent Cleveland's declaration to Great Britain in connection with the Venezuelan boundary dispute in 1895, ace the notable exam ples of such recognition. Notwithstanding the protests of the United States Government, during the progress of the Civil War, the French had secured a foothold in Mexico and attempted to install Maximilian, an Austrian prince, on the Mexican throne. With the conclusion of peace formal demand for withdrawal was made, and General Sherman was sent to the Mexican frontier with a large force. After some delay in negotia tions the French Emperor withdrew his troops, and Maximilian was left to his. fate. hi the Venezuelan affair, representations having been made by our Government that the action of Great Britain was a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, the latter yielded to the suggestion of the United States and consented to an arbitration, thus effecting an amicable settlement.
The Monroe Doctrine is Aoaetimes held to com mit the United States to a protectorate over other American States, requiring this country to espouse their quarrels though unable to con trol their actions. It has never been within its intent to forbid European nations to employ force in the settlement of their just demands upon this continent. In 1842 Great Britain blockaded San Juan de Nicaragua, and in 1S51 laid an em bargo on the entire western coast of Salvador, and in 1903 the combined German and English fleets maintained a blockade of the Venezuelan coast to secure the collection of their claims for indemnity. The requirements of the Monroe Doc trine as a national policy were fully met with the assurance to the United States of good faith on the part of the Powers concerned and that no Venezuelan territory would be taken in settle ment of the indemnity. While the building of an interoceanie canal and the position which the 'United StateS has had as a world power since the close of the war with Spain have rendered the problem attending the application of the doctrine more complex. the increased respect which it has insured our demands has greatly decreased the difficulties of its enforcement.
For modern aspects of the Monroe Doctrine, consult: J. 11. Moore, Political 8cicacc Quar terly, vol. ii., p. 1: T. S. Woolsey, Forum, vol. xx., p. 705; II. C. Lodge. :Vorth .4n/crier/It Rerieu-, vol. clx., p. 651; John W. Burgess. Po litical Science Quarterly, vol. ii., p. 44. Consult also Beddaway, Tbc Monroe Doctrine bridge, 1898) ; and authorities cited under IN