Tweed was the first to exercise over Tammany the powers of the modern 'boss.' After the exposure of his colossal frauds, Tammany was reorganized by John Kelly (q.v.), who caused some of the most prominent of Tweed's prose eutors—men like Tilden, Charles O'Conor, Hora tio Seymour, and August Belmont—to be chosen as officers, while he, by perfecting the 'machinery' of the organization, gained almost entire control. At his death in 1880 he was succeeded by Richard Croker (q.v.), who, how ever, did not exercise the powers of a 'boss' until 1888, and who in 1901 retired. Lewis Nixon (q.v.) was then nominally the leader for several months. Tweed, Kelly, Croker, and Nixon had each been chairman of the finance committee; this committee was reorganized in 1903, after the policy of Tammany had been shaped for a time by a 'triumvirate.' and Charles F. Murphy was chosen leader, though nominally with greatly curtailed powers.
In organization, Tammany is highly central ized, the power resting ultimately in the hands of one man or of a relatively small number of men. There is a captain for each election district in the city, and a district leader for each Assembly district. The executive committee of the organi zation is generally made up of these various dis trict leaders; while in addition each district elects a certain number of men to the so-called General Committee, in which ostensibly the power rests, and in whose name the lease of the build ing known as Tammany Hail is held. The men elected by each district to the General Committee, whose membership is somewhat in excess of five thousand, form the General Committee for that district, and are presided over by the district leader. The General Committee has standing sub-committees on finance, printing, naturaliza tion, correspondence, and organization.
The power of Tammany is traceable, however, to something more than mere machine organiza tion. It makes a systematic appeal for the votes of the lower classes, and accomplishes its pur pose by numerous acts of real charity; by gratify ing the social instincts of the tenement dweller, the district leaders giving at, their own expense frequent dances, chowder parties, picnics, and ex cursions; by bailing unfortunates out of jail; by systematically ingratiating itself with the vast numbers of immigrants; by securing work for the unemployed; by an extensive and gener ally astute use of patronage (when Tammany is in power) ; and apparently by the application of 'pressure' and by various acts of virtual intimi dation. It also gains tens of thousands of votes
by virtue of its position as the representative in New York of the Democratic Party; and, by the lax enforcement of sumptuary laws when in power, it wins the support of those voters who on principle or through motives •of self-interest oppose such laws. Arrayed against it are a large majority of the cultured and well-to-do classes, the members of the Republican Party, and large numbers, representing various classes, who are convinced that Tammany government means a government of blackmail, of fostered vice, of police corruption, and, if not of outright dis honesty in all respects, at least of general waste fulness and inefficiency.
Consult: Myers, History of Tammany Hall (New York, 1901) ;_ Blake, History of the Tam many Society or Columbian Order (ib., 1901), written from the Tammany standpoint; a chap ter by Taleott Williams in Historic Ncw York, vol. i. 1899) ; several chapters in defense of Tammany in Thompson, Politics in a Dcmocrary (ib., 1894) ; a chapter in Bryce, The Amenican Commonwealth. (ib., 1895) ; au article by Davis, "The Most Perfect Political Organization in thb World," in Illunssey's Magazinv, vol. xxiv. (ib., 1901) ; Jernegan, Tammany Suricties in Rhode Island (Providence, 1895) ; and Cabeen, "The So ciety of the Sons of St. Tammany of Philadel phia," in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vols. xxv., xxvi.. and xxvii, (Philadelphia, 190), 1902, and 1903).