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ENGLISH HISTORY).

The Manor.

The unit of land holding and cultivation was the Manor (q.v.), of which there might be one or more within the parish. The land was held at one or more removes from the king by the lord of the manor, from whom the tenants held in return for various services and with varying degrees of freedom. The cultivated land lay in three, or some multiple of three, open arable fields, divided into strips of one or one half acre, separated by baulks of rough grass and terminating in still wider baulks, the headlands on which the cumbrous ox team and plough could turn. On heavy land the strips were steeply ridged to throw off the water and this ridge and furrow still persists in many parts of the Midlands which have long been laid down to grass. In some places the old strips still defy cultivation, because of the labour that would be required to throw down the ridges and the infertility of the subsoil that would be bared in their crowns.

The three fields were cropped on a fixed rotation of winter corn (wheat or rye), spring corn (barley, oats, peas or beans, or mixed corn) and bare fallow. In each field the tenants held a certain number . of scattered strips, the original intention being probably to give to every man a share of the good land and the bad, and mingled with them were the strips held by the lord and constituting his demesne. Each tenant f armed his own strips but was required to give a stated number of days' service to cultivate the demesne strips, services which gradually became commuted into payments in money or in kind. At a certain date after harvest the arable land was thrown open to the cattle to wander over, and this of itself prevented any growth of fodder crops. On the lower land by the river would exist an area of meadow land to be laid up for hay and again divided in propor tion with the arable land. The tenure of the particular strips for the year was often balloted for, a practice which still endures in places, as at Yarnton near Oxford. After hay harvest or Lammas the meadows were thrown open for common pasturage, hence the name of "Lammas fields" which still obtains. Besides the arable and the meadows the manor embraced a certain amount of "waste," the origin of what to-day are known as "commons" (q.v.). On this the tenants had right of pasturage and in suitable districts of turbary, that is, the right to cut turf or peat for fuel. It also provided fern for litter, reeds or heather for thatching, furze and brushwood for firing, rushes for the floors and other purposes, rough timber for fencing and building, stone, gravel and sand.

Production.

The farming that prevailed under these condi tions was necessarily inefficient. Some manure appears to have been made by strewing roughage, marl or clay in the folds and in the "garsons," the little enclosures by the village into which the stock were driven at night ; but the crops must have mainly de pended upon the inherent fertility of the soil. The sheep were folded upon the fallow by night, though tenants were often obliged to put them upon the lord's land only. In the west where the area of unoccupied land was greater, there is evidence of a practice of moving the arable fields continually, whereby some fertility would be accumulated while the land lay in rough pasture. Of ex traneous fertilizers there were none ; in areas on the chalk the practice of sinking pits into the chalk and spreading it on the land may have endured, for it is mentioned by Pliny in his account of Britain, and the traces of the old pits that remain in certain districts indicate a long continuance of the process of chalking and marling. The level of production was exceedingly low. Walter of Henley, who wrote early in the i 3th century the stand ard treatise on the management of an estate, advised the sowing of two bushels of wheat per acre, which ought to yield threefold. From the context this would be a minimum, and the contempo rary author of "Hosbonderie" says that barley might yield eight fold, wheat fivefold, rye sevenfold, peas and beans sixfold, and oats fourfold. From other sources we shall be justified in esti mating the level of production of open field land in mediaeval times at a yield of about io bushels of wheat to the acre.

If the conditions of cropping were bad the live stock were in a worse state. The stock of all the tenants and of the lord herded together and were driven afield and tended by the village cow herd, shepherd and swineherd respectively. Which class of stock prevailed depended to some extent upon the class of land; in the open down and heath country sheep were a feature, the acorns and mast of the woodlands finished off the swine before the win ter. Pannage (q.v.) for so many hogs is a common entry in Domesday as an appanage of a particular holding. But with this mixture of everybody's stock little in the nature of selective breeding could be practised. Walter of Henley insists on the value of good boars, but in general the bull and the boar were common to the manor—the result was a "haphazard union of nobody's son with everybody's daughter." Whatever disease came along ran riot through the whole herd or flock. Oxen were chiefly kept for work, and Walter of Henley considered an ox at work should consume half a sheaf of oats a day. Though the greater speed of the horse was recognized, it required more care, cost more to feed and was "carrion" instead of meat when worn out. Cows were kept for milk and the milk was mainly converted into butter and cheese. In the early summer they grazed on the "waste" and marshes or were tethered on the grass baulks ; later they had the aftermath of the meadows and the stubbles. With the advent of winter the worn out oxen and the old cows were killed off and salted down :—"For Easter at Martinmas hang up the beef." During winter the cattle subsisted in the yards on hay, pea and bean haulm and straw. Rarely were cattle stall fattened and the open field farmers sold most of their calves for slaughter. Sheep were from the earliest times an important ele ment in English farming because of the value of their wool. The ewes were often milked, the toothless "crones" being killed for meat. During the open weather they lived on the downs or the waste by day and were folded on the fallow by night, in the depth of winter they were housed or folded and fed upon whatever roughage was available. Swine afforded the chief meat of the community ; they scavenged for a living in spring or summer and fattened upon the "pannage" of the woods. A few were specially fattened upon tail corn and the brewers' grains, for the barley that was grown was very largely turned into ale. The manor aimed at being self-supporting both for food and clothing. Rarely had even the lord any margin of corn for sale ; the chief money rev enue was derived from the live stock, wool, skins, and dairy produce.

Enclosures.

But the strict manorial system early began to be broken into. The lords had often retained meadows and made enclosed fields which they either farmed themselves or let. Little holdings grew up by sufferance on the waste, occupied by "trades men" in the villages or other cottagers who also shared in the common grazing. The rising value of wool in the late mediaeval times tempted lords to aim at enclosures of the arable, and re curring dearths and epidemics, of which the Black Death is the most notable, deprived the land of its labourers and facilitated the putting together of larger units of cultivation. From the earliest times the substantial independent farmer, represented by Chau cer's Franklyn, was a feature of English country life. Not only were the old feudal services commuted into rents, but by new intakes from the wastes or by fencing off portions of the open fields the tenants began to enjoy land in severalty. In Tudor times the process of enclosure was in full swing, though the legis lature was opposed to, and public opinion was loud in denuncia tion of, a movement which appeared to diminish corn growing and the rural population. But the driving force was the growing com merce of the nation. Not only did both landlords and tenants want something to sell and looked upon the land as the basis of a business rather than a subsistence, but the small holders who had been barely able to exist upon their little parcels of cultiva tion found other and more attractive outlets in the growing commerce and industries.

The New Farming.

It was towards the close of the Tudor times and in the early seventeenth century that the new farming began. Increasing intercourse with the Continent and particularly with Flanders, where some of the old Roman tradition had per sisted, brought new crops and stock and new methods into Eng land. Sir Richard Weston (1591-1652) who farmed in Surrey in Charles I.'s time, is credited with the introduction of turnips, clover and other sown grasses, and these crops providing winter keep were the foundation of the improved system of agriculture. With them cattle could be fattened and maintained during the winter; at the same time farmyard manure was made in quantity sufficient, with the help of the clover which enriches the soil in nitrogen, to raise enormously the whole level of production. The new farming could, however, only be practised on enclosed farms; on the open fields clover and turnips would be every man's prop erty as soon as the common stock were turned on to them.

Turnips and clover were not the only introductions from the Low Countries ; most of the commoner garden vegetables, as cabbages and cauliflowers, carrots and parsnips are owing to the same source. Fruit trees too were "fetched out of Flanders." Richard Harrys, fruiterer to King Henry VIII., bought "105 good acres in Teynham which he divided into 1 o parcels, and brought plants beyond the seas and furnished the ground with them," which land "hath been the chief mother of all other orchards for these kindes of fruites." Hop growing also had a • similar origin.

Doubtless the same thing happened with live stock, but here the evidence is more meagre because the descriptions of the early writers are so imperfect. But it would seem probable that the large long-woolled white-faced sheep were originally of Roman origin, and the Kents or Romney Marsh, the Lincolns and Leices ters, all on the eastern side of England, may well have been de rived from a very similar sheep which is still found in Flanders. The importations may, indeed, have been earlier, for the English long wool was famous in mediaeval times and was among the first of the staple articles of export, its importance being still com memorated in the "woolsack" on which the Lord Chancellor sits. The earlier long wool chiefly came from the Cotswold country, the home of the other white-faced long-wooled race of sheep, and this possibly may be a remainder from Roman occupation. The black and white cattle which have always been about the Eastern counties were certainly of Low Country origin—the modern Fris ian, Holstein or Dutch Cattle. We may even surmise that some white race of Roman origin (either directly or at second hand from the Rhine provinces) went to the making up of the Short horn race, whose hybrid origin is betrayed by the mixed white and red in the coat colour of the roans.

Enclosure Laws.

The progress of enclosures which has been described grew apace in the i8th century. Whereas in early days it was opposed by Parliament, in the i 7 th century it became possible to obtain sanction for agreements from the Court of Chancery, and from the time of Anne a strictly legal procedure by private Act was made available (see CoasMoNs). Commis sioners were appointed to make the award and apportion the several holdings to the tenants of the open arable fields, but a private Act remained necessary until the General Enclosure Act of 1845. Under the acts the commissioners could proceed to an award although a minority of the parties interested, one-eighth or even one-third, refused to agree. In certain counties—Suffolk, Sussex, Kent, Essex, Somerset, Devon and Cornwall, the marches of Wales, Cheshire, Lancashire and the four northern counties— enclosures were early and were but rarely effected by Act. Pos sibly from the nature of the land the rigorous common field arable had never been usual in them. It was in the great corn growing areas of the Midlands, Yorkshire, Lincolnshire and Norfolk, that so much enclosure by Act took place in the i8th and early i 9th centuries. After 176o the process was much accelerated by the growth of industry and population even before the Napoleonic wars created so great a call for good production. Valuable, indeed necessary, as enclosures were to the nation from the point of view of production, so great a change in the economy of the country-side could not be effected without much serious, if tem porary, dislocation of labour and some permanent change for the worse in the condition of the poorer classes. Often the lord and the larger tenants took the opportunity of enclosure to put the land down to grass, so that a single shepherd would take the place of a dozen men who had formerly worked on the village land. The enclosures themselves may have been fair enough in their apportionments, though it would always have been easy for the lord and the bigger farmers to over-weigh their poorer neigh bours, but many cottagers who had no arable and therefore no title in the award found their customary rights of grazing swept away with the commons. There were those who held that the commons encouraged an idle race of casual labourers and poach ers, but the other side of the picture, the destruction of a thrifty peasantry, was the theme of many writers in the i 7 th and i 8th centuries.

Arthur Young, himself an unceasing advocate of enclosure, de plored the evils that had resulted therefrom. By nineteen En closure Acts out of twenty, the poor are injured, in some grossly injured. . . . The poor in these parishes may say, and with truth, Parliament may be tender of property; all 1 know is that I had a cow, and an Act of Parliament has taken it from me." The Agricultural Labourer.—With enclosure at any rate began the creation in rural Britain of a race of landless men, dependent for employment upon the larger holders of land; and though the darkest days of this class did not come until the close of the i8th and the first third of the i 9th century, when the pauperization caused by the old Poor Law became universal, the lot of the agricultural labourer, still the worst paid and worst housed section of the community, was established. Thomas Mozley writes of his parish in Northants in .1829, "There were many farmers, several yeomen, very many small freeholders, as many tradesmen as the place could find work or customers for, and not one single labourer, in the sense of an independent work man offering his labour for wages, but a multitude of paupers." The labourer class was also recruited from those yeomen proper who obtained small farms after enclosure but were unable to hold on to them. It requires neither fraud nor force to displace the small proprietor; the mere pressure of economic change is suf ficient. A run of bad seasons. the constant temptation to mort gage, the inheritance by a widow, and the neighbouring proprietor who wants to add land to land finds his opportunity, especially where, as in England, land has also for so long possessed a non economic social value. Special opportunities were also offering to active men in industries and commerce, and since many of the old yeomen farms could produce but the barest living for their occu pier, they were sold and merged in larger holdings because the owner was no longer content with the income derivable from them. In other countries peasant farming has subsisted largely because there were no alternative occupations with a higher standard of living within reach and because the layout of the land on the open field system persisted and did not permit of putting to gether large units of farming. The open field system nevertheless persisted into the i9th century ; and even in 1927 a non-enclosed parish farmed on the old English plan can be seen at Laxton in Northamptonshire, while the parishes of Epworth and Haxey in the Isle of Axholme remain in strips, though the owners crop them as they please.

The Norfolk System.

The improvement in method of farm ing possible on the enclosed land soon took effect. Early in the i8th century we find in operation what afterwards came to be called the "Norfolk" or four-course rotation. In consequence England became a corn exporting country during the first half of the i8th century, until the growth of population manifested itself with the development of industries. This epoch of British farm ing which became systematized in the early i8th century and en dured until 1840, may be described as that of the conservation of the resources of the soil. The land was usually cultivated on a four course system of two corn crops, alternating with turnips and a leguminous crop—clover or beans. The leguminous crop gath ered nitrogen from the air and maintained the stock of this in dispensable element of fertility at a comparatively constant level, despite the wastages that were going on. The turnips and the hay and straw provided for the making of farmyard manure, whereby there was returned to the soil the greater part of the valuable materials that the crops had taken out. Nothing left the farm except the nitrogen, phosphoric acid and potash sold away in the wheat and barley, the meat, milk and wool. Strict covenants pre vented such wasting of the soil capital as would occur from the sale of hay or straw or roots, or the too frequent growth of sal able corn crops. Under this system the average production be came more than double that of the mediaeval farms. Arthur Young speaks of 24 bushels of wheat as the average yield per acre ; John Bennet Lawes, writing of Hertfordshire as he knew it when he began his experiments at Rothamsted about 1835, sets the yield at 20 bushels, and the lower estimate is probably nearer the mark for the whole country. This level of production, which we may compare with the six to ten bushels of mediaeval open field farming, could be maintained indefinitely. The limiting fac tor was generally the supply of nitrogen, and this depended upon the recuperative actions of the leguminous crop in the rotation and of bacteria in the soil which make use of the organic matter supplied by the roots, the stubble and the straw, as against the removals in salable produce and the wastages that occur in the making of farmyard manure and in the soil itself under particular conditions, as washing out and waterlogging. The balance that was established was sufficient to maintain the yield at the level of 20 bushels per acre of wheat.

Live-stock and Other Improvements.

Other improvements in agriculture were simultaneously in progress ; great areas of waste land were being added to cultivation, especially on the heaths and light soils which bef ore turnips and clover were intro duced became immediately exhausted. Small's plough, the horse hoe, the drill, the threshing machine, were all inventions which took practical shape in the i8th century and did much to add to the effectiveness of the farming operations. Drainage and the systematic amelioration of the land which had been impracticable on the open field system were now taken up vigorously, though the wide extension of field drainage had to wait until the invention of drain tiles in the next century.

Moreover, with the prevalence of enclosed fields, the improve ment of live stock could be taken up with some prospect of rapid achievement. Robert Bakewell (q.v.) was the pioneer, and though he was unfortunate in selecting the Longhorn cattle to work upon, his creation of the Leicester breed of sheep persisted and led to rapid amelioration of all the long-wooled sheep. His methods were taken up by other men; Charles Colling (q.v.) made the Shorthorn breed, and John Ellman (1753-1832) the Southdown sheep which has been the progenitor of all the other "down" breeds. England developed a race of breeders who com bined the instincts of the fancier with certain definite principles. They began by selecting their breeding stock for conformity to an ideal type in which the meat was laid on in the most valuable places; by close line-breeding, even by inbreeding, the type was fixed and the "pedigree" sires became capable of stamping their own type in a few generations upon the common country-bred stock. Early maturity, the capacity to grow rapidly on good food, proved to be equally obtainable by selection, and the result was that in the i9th century Britain was possessed of a number of definite breeds of cattle, sheep and pigs that were doubly or trebly more efficient than were the old unimproved stocks. Their value may be gauged from the way the flocks and herds of the new countries of the world have been populated with stock of British origin. Shorthorns, Herefords and Devons are the great meat producers of the Americas, Australia and New Zea land; the only non-British breeds that have achieved any world wide extension are the Merino sheep because of their wool and adaptability to arid climates, and the Friesian cattle because of their unrivalled milk yield.

Capitalist Farming and the Great Landlords.

The new agriculture which had grown up in response to the rapid increase of population under the beginnings of industrialism and had been overstimulated by the excessive prices that prevailed during the Napoleonic wars, fell upon evil days with the break in prices and the restoration of a gold standard that followed the final peace in 1818. But it had accomplished its purpose of providing food for the nation from its own land, and it had completed the conver sion of British agriculture from a system of peasant cultivation into one of capitalist business, small indeed in the main, but char acterized by the employment of labour. In no other country has this development proceeded so far. Prior to the disturbances arising out of the late World War most countries in Europe other than France, Switzerland and Belgium, could show vast estates farmed as single units and owned by the territorial nobility, but there was little or nothing of a middle farming class between the domain owners and the peasants, carrying on farming as a business on land rented from the large proprietor. In Great Britain the political, social and sporting privileges attaching to the possession of land early led to the building up of great estates, but the owner found the best use of his property in letting it again to tenants, who on their side took advantage of the opportunity for employ ing their limited capital in the business, by which they could derive a bigger income from it than if the greater portion were locked up in ownership of the land.

Thus in England the great landowners were the leaders of agriculture along its path of progress in the i8th century, even though most of the actual improvements, especially in stock breeding, were the work of tenant farmers like Bakewell, Colling and Ellman. A few large proprietors led the way; they created the atmosphere of enterprise and confidence in the industry, and they rendered better farming possible by their expenditure on reclamations and buildings. They introduced the improved live stock to their tenants and they enforced sound methods of crop ping by the covenants inserted in the conditions of tenancy. Prominent among them were the 2nd Viscount Townshend (q.v.) Pope's "Turnip Toi,vnshend," who devoted himself to the im provement of his estate in Norfolk on a basis of turnip growing, with the use of the drill and the horse hoe. He is generally cred ited with the Norfolk four-course rotation, but it had been evolved before his time and he only gave to it a wider extension. The ideas that Townshend put into practice were chiefly derived from Jethro Tull (q.v.) of Berkshire, the greatest original thinker about farming processes that England had then produced. His "Horse Hoeing Husbandry," published in 1731, was the basis of all im provements in the operations of cultivation during the i8th and early 19th centuries. A little later Townshend's neighbour, "Coke of Norfolk," st Earl of Leicester (q.v.) made a productive estate at Holkham of what had been little more than a rabbit warren, and became famous for his annual gatherings, the Holkham sheep shearings, where all the improving landlords and farmers of the day met and exchanged their experiences. There, too, the im proved live stock of the time could be seen and judged. The duke of Bedford was equally active and held similar meetings at Woburn. A little later we may single out the earl of Egremont in Sussex, and in Scotland Hope of Rankeillor and Sir John Sinclair of Caithness, first president of the newly formed National Board of Agriculture.

Arthur Young.

But the most active promulgator of the new methods was Arthur Young (q.v.). The younger son of a parson with a small property, Young began by farming, but with con stant ill success. He soon found his proper metier in writing, and from 1767 to 1795 he published those vivid accounts of the farming, the men and manners of England, Ireland and France, which have become classics of observation and shrewd judgment. In 1784 he began the publication of the "Annals of Agriculture," which embodied contributions from all the men of the time in terested in agriculture, even the King himself. When a board of agriculture was established in 1793 Young became its secretary and was responsible for a series of county surveys of the state of farming in England which, if unequal and in some respects in ferior to Marshall's General Survey of the Rural Economy of England, remains our most trustworthy source of information. Young was pre-eminently a diffuser of knowledge; he had a sound knowledge of the general trend of agriculture, witness his unceasing advocacy of enclosures, and a quick eye for improve ments of method. If his zeal sometimes outran his judgment in his commendation of innovations, his lively style always exacted interest and made him for 4o years a most effective stimulus towards the reform of farming. Rarely can a farmer be instructed in the method he is to follow, but he can be excited to think out a novel adaptation to his own conditions.

Period of Scientific Progress.

We may take the accession of Victoria as the beginning of a new era in British farming. The occupiers of land had slowly adjusted themselves to the new conditions, after the shock caused by the break in prices at the end of the Napoleonic wars. Confidence in agriculture was re turning and a new race of landlords was growing up imbued with the idea that the rapid development of science then in progress could be applied to the operations of the farm. In 1838 some of the leaders, among whom perhaps the most active was Philip Pusey, founded the Royal Agricultural Society (see AGRICUL TURAL SOCIETIES AND SHOWS), WhiCh gave a powerful stimulus to the improvement of stock, to experiments in cultivation and manuring, and to the introduction of machinery. Another small landowner, John Bennet Lawes (q.v.) of Rothamsted, Herts, was beginning that fundamental series of field experiments which took formal shape in 1843 when Lawes secured the association of a young chemist, Joseph Henry Gilbert. At Rothamsted was laid the foundations of our knowledge of the use of fertilizers and the nutrition of animals. This period is indeed marked by the introduction of artificial fertilizers. Previously there had been some empiric knowledge of the fertilizing value of such waste materials as woollen rags, soot, and bones, but the supplies were limited and the employment only local. The first consignments of Peruvian guano and of nitrate of soda arrived in 1835; in 1843 Lawes began the manufacture of superphosphate, and his early experiments showed the value of the ammonia salts which Could be made from the by-products of gas-making, then becoming gen eral. Other sources of phosphates than bones were rapidly dis covered and about 186o the great deposits of potash near Stass furth began to be exploited.

At the same time the science of agricultural chemistry was being explored and the theory of the nutrition of the plant—what it draws from the soil, the water and the air—a theory of which Justus von Liebig (q.v.) had given a brilliant preliminary sketch in his British Association address, provided a rational basis for manuring. By 185o the manufacture of artificial fertilizers was in full swing and though all too many farmers lagged behind in their application, their use, together with the employment of foreign feeding stuffs like linseed and cotton cake, the fertilizing ingredients of which found their way to the land through the farmyard manure made by their consumption, had by 187o raised the general level of production from British land from 20 to 30 bushels of wheat per acre. As already described, up to 1840 an average of about 20 bushels per acre was all that the land could yield when the farm was strictly self-contained ; it was the ex traneous sources of fertility which made the higher yields possi ble. Fertilizers and feeding stuffs were indeed not the only fac tors at work, though the other improvements influence perhaps more the extension of the cultivated area than its increased yield. Field drainage was applied to great areas of heavy land under the influence of James Smith (1789-185o), of Deanston in Scotland, and of Josiah Parkes (1793-1871) whose demonstrations of the value of drainage (q.v.) became easy of application with Scragg's invention in 1845 of a machine for moulding cylindrical tiles. Smith drained shallow, 3o inches ; Parkes put his drains in at 4f t., and much of his work has been in consequence wasted. Only since the great controversy between the two schools has it be come clear that Smith's is the way to deal with ordinary heavy land which suffers because it cannot get rid of the rainfall, whereas Parkes's is the best method to cut off underground water rising from below. The improvements in cultivating machinery con tinued and in 1853 Croskill put an efficient reaper at the farmers' service. The steam plough was designed and ever since has had a valuable if limited field of action. Pedigree stock made rapid progress; one by one the existing breeds of cattle, sheep and pigs became differentiated; breed societies and flock and herd books grew up. Improvements in crops also followed; Shirreff, Cheval lier, Le Couteur and Hallet introduced the idea of "pedigree" into cereals.

In these years from 185o to 1874 farming was a prosperous business and money was poured into the land ; British farming may then be said to have reached its high water mark of techni cal excellence. Of some farmers it was reported that they offered a reward to anyone who could find a weed on their cultivated land; no other country could show such yields of corn and roots; men came from all over the world to buy British live stock with which to improve their native races.

The Great Depression.

All this prosperity culminated in the high prices occasioned by the Franco-German war; in 1874 a turn in the tide was manifest. A trade depression set in which limited the purchasing power of consumers ; a run of bad seasons, culminating in the disastrous wet and cold year of 1879, brought ruin to many farmers. Other major causes beyond the control of farmers were at work to reduce prices. The growth of railways and the development of steamship traffic opened up the inter national traffic in agricultural produce, and the wholesale settle ment of the new countries, particularly of the middle west of North America, gathered way. The area of cultivated land in the world with wheat as the staple crop grew apace, faster even than the population ; wheat prices fell year by year until 1894. The average Gazette price of English wheat was 54s. 3d. for the decade 46s. in the next decade, and continued to fall to 22s. in 1894. Within the 20 years 1875-1894, 124 million acres of land were added to the cultivated area of the United States alone, and the corresponding increases in Canada, S. America, Australia and New Zealand were considerable.

The other great factor was the appreciation of gold which began when Germany started to form a gold reserve after the war of 187o and was accentuated by the falling yields from what had been the chief gold-producing centres of California and Australia. The situation was not rectified until the Transvaal became a big producer in the nineties of the last century. The prices of all commodities fell, wheat more than the rest [Sauerbeck's index, i.e., all commodities fell 4o%, wheat %], and some economists have considered that to this cause alone was due the fall in agri cultural prices and the resulting depression. But the vast increase of production must have also had its effect or the demand from the rapidly growing population would have counter-balanced it. During this period there was always a surplus of wheat and it was being grown at less than the cost of production, indeed it has been said that the only profit the pioneering American farmer made out of all the plenty lay in the eventual appreciation in value of the land he had settled.

Whatever the ultimate causes of the break in prices it had a disastrous effect upon British farming. Neither farmers nor land lords realized how continuous the fall was going to be, or how com pletely indifferent would the price remain to the occurrence of a short crop at home ; farmers could not readjust their methods and in many cases landowners did not reduce their rents in time to avoid a crash. Much of the old perfection of British farming had to go because of its expensiveness in labour, for during the whole of the period wages were tending to rise rather than to fall. Farm of ter farm was thrown upon the owners' hands; in Essex great areas of clay land became for a time derelict or were let to Scots men who would undertake to pay tithes and rates. In some cases the landowners had to farm them selves on an extensive scale, in others farmers who had acquired an art of cheap management had farm after farm thrust upon them until they were operating areas of 4,00o to io,000ac. These big businesses which grew up towards the close of the century are not reflected in the statistics, for the separate farms were still returned in the rate books as units. In deed they were farmed as units, each with a bailiff but on the com mon system which the farmers had found to work; the buying and selling only were centralized. Though prices did turn slightly after 1895 it was not until the close of the century that the conditions began to appear at all stabilized. By that time men had learned to cheapen their methods in the purely arable districts and in others the growing demand for milk had afforded an outlet. The Essex clay lands came back into use, if not under the plough, with a new race of Scotch and Devonshire milk producers. Prices of meat and wool had fallen though not to the same extent as with cereals, and the distress in the west and north of England had never been so great as in the purely arable countries. In some districts special crops solved the farmers' difficulties; a great potato industry developed in the Fen country, where energetic men with intensive methods built up large holdings out of the bankrupt small farms : but the price of potatoes, like that of milk, was made at home, foreign competition being negligible here, while the demand was growing with a larger and more prosperous pop ulation. The growth of vegetables, fruit and flowers provided also an expanding industry, and the demand for such things increased with the rise in the standard of living.

Loss of Arable Land.

But such commodities provided the exceptions; in the main the farming community had to meet the depression by reducing expenditure, despite the resulting fall in production. The acreage only under wheat in England, in 1872, had shrunk to 1,745,000 in 1900; yet there was no accom panying increase in the yield per acre such as should have attended the abandonment of the poorer land, without taking into consider ation the improvements in the varieties grown and in the supply of fertilizers. The chief resort of the English farmer in order to meet the situation was to lay his land away to grass. Thereby he shifted his production towards the more remunerative live stock and at the same time reduced the labour bill, because on grassland one man may suffice for 200 or 3ooac., whereas on the arable land about four men per 10o ac. were then employed. Only when dairy ing on grassland is a staff required comparable with that em ployed on the ploughland. Between 1872 and 190o the area of land under the plough in England was reduced by over 24 million ac., or nearly 20% of the amount in 1872. There were some notorious examples of these changes; in one case on the Berkshire Downs some 4,000 ac. of ploughland were converted into a sheep ranch tenanted only by a few shepherds, the old farmhouses and hamlets perishing away in desolation. In England and Wales the agricultural population diminished between 1871 and 190I from to 951,674, that is, by nearly one quarter. In Scotland the reduction in arable land was not appreciable, but a similar saving was effected by lengthening the duration of the leys in the rotation ; the four-course shift became a five- or a six-course, with two or three years of temporary grass instead of one.

For all the reduction of cultivation and the lower standard of farming the period was not entirely one of retrogression. Im provements in the quality of live stock, especially in the direction of early maturity, in the production of milk, and in the special branches of potato growing, market gardening and fruit growing continued. The self-acting reaper and binder began to be imported in 1873 and proved the great labour-saving implement of the period, though at the outset it only intensified the pressure of com petition, since it was worth more to the wheat grower in new countries short of labour than it was to the British farmer. This distressed state of agriculture became the subject of more than one royal commission and parliamentary enquiry, none of which, with protection ruled out as contrary to national policy, could suggest any substantial alleviation. The one legislative action of importance was the creation in 1889 as a special department of State of the Board of Agriculture whereby the importance of agri culture in the national economy was recognized, no other industry having this kind of representation in the machinery of govern ment. The new Board took over certain existing services such as the collection of statistics, the control of scheduled animal dis eases, the administration of tithes, enclosures, and university and college estates, and was also charged with one function of a con structive character, the allocation of f 5,000 a year for the assist ance of agricultural and dairy schools.

Agricultural Instruction.

From about 1890 onwards began the first systematic attempt at agricultural education and in its train followed some new beginnings in research. The great start made at Rothamsted had been left solitary and unaided, though other countries were copying its methods and extending them into all the fields of science which bear on agriculture. The movement Was too young to have any effect on the industry before the close of the century ; it had to overcome the intellectual inertia of a class which had always been indifferently educated and had no opinion of book farming, while the new scientific teachers had to learn what was good in the practical man's outfit and to recover from their own mistakes. One new fertilizer had been added to the list available for the farmer, namely, basic slag, a phosphatic by product of the steel industry which was to do much to improve the growing area of grass land. But owing to his poverty the British farmer was not using fertilizers as much as he might have done, and the greater part of the British production of sulphate of ammonia was being exported.

The period from the beginning of the century to the outbreak of the World War was one of steady recovery and quiet progress under the favouring wind of slowly rising prices. Knowledge was growing, both from the example of successful practitioners under the new conditions, and from the technical instruction that was becoming more generally diffused. Statistically the industry con tinued to decline ; the arable land of England diminished by a further million acres between 190o and 1914, nor was there any compensating increase in the numbers of live stock, though the output was improving as better methods of feeding and breeding brought the animals earlier to market. All over the country examples could be found of progressive and prosperous farmers who were taking advantage of the resources science was in creasingly putting at their disposal. But many were still set in old ways; mindful of the bad times that were not far off they sought the path of safety first and were distrustful of all enterprise that might cost money. In the use of lime, fertilizers and other ameli orations of the soil our farmers were falling behind their com petitors in Holland, Denmark and Germany, just as in the applica tions of machinery they could not rival the farmers of America and Australia. Labour was still too cheap in the agricultural coun ties of England; farmers still clung to the traditions that had answered when wages were 7s. a week and wheat over 6s. a bushel.

Marketing.

Above all the weakness of the British farmer as an economic unit was being exposed. The rapidly growing popula tion was to an increasing extent being fed from overseas; in the five years preceding 1914 the United Kingdom only produced 4a% of the food it consumed as measured in calories, in particular it only grew 2o% of the wheat it needed. Great Britain was the one open market for the agricultural surpluses of the whole world, for the one or two small countries that also persevered in a free trade policy were themselves exporters of agricultural produce. In con sequence great commercial interests grew up to exploit this import trade, interests that could impose upon the aspirants for a place in the British market those conditions of uniformity of produce, standardization of output, and attractiveness of packing, which made for ready sale. Our competitors by the mere fact of de pendence upon an export trade were marshalled into co-operative societies, and through this discipline the peasant farmers of other countries secured all the advantages of marketing which might have been expected to belong only to the big businesses. The typical British farmer, who in his day had been a not inefficient unit for the sale of his staple produce and could look down upon the exploitation of the peasant, was loath to forgo his individual ity and slow to recognize his weakness in the world's markets. The lack of leadership and organization was all a part of the want of public confidence in an industry which had become somewhat remote from modern life. The great landowners no longer re garded agriculture as a money-making business; they maintained home farms because of the traditional association of the English gentleman with the countryside and because the exhibition of pedigree stock was a recognized form of social competition ; but the lawyers, the bankers and the capitalists remembered the past and had no belief in the earning capacity of the land. No joint stock enterprise to produce food at home could hope to obtain public support, however much money might be forthcoming to exploit wheat or wool, tea or rubber or copra abroad. The farmers who were making money said little about it and trusted to obtain whatever capital was needed for their businesses, many of them extensive, from their friends or trade connections. Politically the farming interest did not count ; in Parliament there could be no agrarian party, hardly even an agrarian member, because even in a purely rural constituency the more numerous labourers were not likely to vote with the farmers. Nor was there any policy upon which the agriculturists were united; although most farmers were still protectionists, such a measure was taboo to all parties so far as concerns food and even with the agricultural labourer the dread of higher prices outweighed the hope of better employment.

The one political measure of outstanding importance was the Small Holdings Act of 1908 which empowered County Councils to acquire land and equip it for small holdings and allotments (see ALLOTMENTS and SMALL HOLDINGS). This Act may be taken as one of the signs of a growing public interest in agriculture, of the feeling among thinking people that the urbanization of Great Britain was proceeding too fast and that some measures should be sought to check the drift of men away from the land. The triumphal march of industrialism from factory to factory had lost some of its attractiveness; statesmen no longer regarded the simple theory of Great Britain wholly given up to manufacturing, and exchanging its goods for food, as desirable or even safe. So the Small Holdings Act was an attempt to recreate the peasantry that had always been dying out in Britain, and to provide an access to the land for men whom circumstances had driven into the towns but who still felt a call to the soil. The growth of small holdings could do little towards reducing the volume of imports ; the im pulse was social rather than economic, but a small holding might give a jumping-off point for the energetic man who would move into larger and larger farms, and new blood was needed in the farming community. The statutory small holders rarely failed to establish themselves, but their numbers barely sufficed to keep pace with the wastage that was elsewhere going on (see also post section on Small Holdings).

The Development Fund.

Another measure of perhaps more far-reaching consequences was Lloyd George's Development Act of 1909, by which was set up a commission endowed with ample funds, the function of which was to promote research and educa tion in agriculture and to carry out other experimental work in rural industries which might help to restore prosperity to the countryside. Thanks to this fund British agriculture began to be provided with an adequate establishment for research and investi gation, such as the United States, Germany and other progressive countries already enjoyed. Some results from research were al ready accruing. The plant breeder's improvements were quickly recognized by farmers, and Rowland Biffen of the Cambridge school of agriculture and Beaven of Warminster, working inde pendently, had applied the principles which Mendel had been the first to bring to light, to the breeding of new varieties of cereals. Some of Biffen's wheats and Beaven's barleys were already being widely grown by farmers in the progressive districts and their success did more than anything else to convert farmers to a belief in the value of research.

One other technical advance may be noted. Towards the close of the period the tractor plough, driven by an internal combustion engine, began to appear in our fields. The new tool could be operated on a farm of ordinary British size, whereas the steam plough was only . economic on an extraordinary acreage and had become an emergency implement only hired for special work. Imperfect as the motor implement was and still is, it offers poten tialities of speeding up and economizing manual labour which have not as yet been fully realized.

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