HEALY, TIMOTHY MICHAEL was born at Bantry on May 17, 1855, the son of Maurice Healy, clerk of the Bantry Union. His mother was the daughter of a school master in this little west Cork town. Three of her brothers, A. M., T. D. and Donal Sullivan, became members of parliament, as did three of her sons, Thomas, Maurice and Timothy Healy. The eldest married his cousin, a daughter of T. D. Sullivan. This group of closely related politicians was the nucleus of the "Bantry Band" which included also W. M. Murphy, M.P., founder of The Independent. In the succeeding generation, Kevin O'Higgins, Timothy Healy's nephew by marriage, became vice-president of the Irish Free State when his uncle was made its first governor-general.
Timothy began to earn his living at 13, and his early youth was spent as a shorthand clerk in a railway office at Newcastle upon-Tyne. Here he became well known in Irish political and literary societies. In 1878 he moved to London and began in his spare time to contribute to the New York Nation. In 1879 Parnell on his first mission to America found that he needed a secretary and wired for Healy, who was already known to him. In 188o, after Parnell had been elected chairman of the Irish party, a parliamentary vacancy occurred in Wexford City, and Healy was elected.
From the first he slapped the House of Commons in the face, but he attended very closely to all its business. In 1881 Glad stone's Land bill began the revolution which gave the Catholic Irish ownership of the land instead of being mere cultivators under landlords. Gladstone said that, with the exception of three Irish law officers, only Healy understood it, and it is doubt ful whether anybody but Healy understood the effect of the famous "Healy clause." Introduced as an amendment, this guar anteed that in future rent should not be chargeable on tenants' improvements. When the bill became an act, Healy, called to the bar in 1884, defended the tenants' interests in innumerable cases that arose in its application. In 1883 his audacious tongue secured him the distinction of being sent to gaol. Later in the year when a Liberal seat became vacant in County Monaghan he was selected to make the first Nationalist inroad on Ulster. He won. At the general election of 1885 with the extended fran chise Monaghan became a safe seat. Healy attacked South Derry and won the constituency—by surprise tactics. In 1886, however, he was defeated, but was returned for North Longford.
His relations with Parnell now became less friendly, and he joined Biggar in opposing the candidature of Captain O'Shea for Galway City. The opposition was only overborne by Parnell's personal intervention. But in 1889, when the divorce petition against Parnell was undefended, Healy drafted the resolution car ried by the party in favour of Parnell remaining at his post. "Parnell," he said, "is not a man, but an institution." Later, however, in face of Gladstone's declaration, he changed his mind, and from the time the "split" began, no speeches were so enven omed as Healy's. He was twice publicly beaten ; but no form of menace had ever the least effect on him. In 1892 he became member for North Louth, and, as a member of the anti-Par nellite party to which the large majority of Irish Nationalists be longed, he was specially supported by the Catholic clergy. His rivals for leadership, William O'Brien and John Dillon, had more following among the laity, but Healy was always a priests' man. At this time he devoted less time to politics, for his practice at the bar was increasing, and in 1899 he became Q.C.
On the reunion of parties in 190o he joined O'Brien in urging that Redmond, leader of the Parnellite minority, rather than John Dillon, leader of the anti-Parnellites, should be chosen as chair man of the united body. But a long indulgence in the savage spirit of faction which followed the Parnell "split" had rendered Healy difficult to work with, and in 1902, on the motion of O'Brien, he was expelled from the United Irish League, though he retained the support of the Catholic hierarchy and of Mur phy's influential newspaper. In 1906 O'Brien, having split away from Redmond's main body with a few followers, made a work ing alliance with his former adversary and his brother Maurice, member for Cork City. In 1 91o, when Healy was beaten in North Louth, O'Brien provided him with a constituency in north-east Cork.
He was unceasingly employed on English cases, more especially of a political character, and defended many of the suffragettes. In parliament no speaker was more able to draw a crowded house, and his wit and eloquence were specially popular with the Tories, because he said more biting things of the Nationalist party than Englishmen could invent. With O'Brien he opposed the budget of 1909 which led to the clash with the House of Lords; and on the Home Rule measure of 1912, while giving it general support, he furiously opposed partition.
In 1914 he was a vigorous supporter of Britain in the World War, but the course of events from 1916 onwards, culminating in the introduction of conscription, drove him finally to side with Sinn Fein, and in 1918 he resigned his seat to allow an imprisoned Sinn Feiner to be returned. Little was publicly heard of him during the years of turmoil which followed until, at the close of 1922, the constitution of the Irish Free State having been made law by the Irish parliament, and subsequently by the British, the office of governor-general had to be filled. When Healy's name was first mentioned for the post there was general incredulity, but the appointment soon commended itself to Irishmen of all sections. The Free State Government, speaking through the mouth of Healy's nephew, Kevin O'Higgins, defended the choice of "an old man of the people," while others realized that Healy, though an extreme nationalist, had in many respects a most con servative mind. Those who feared the worst from a tongue and a temper which he had never before governed were surprised by the result ; for during his continuance in office as the representa tive of King George Healy in no way added to the Government's difficulties, while he did more perhaps than any other person to cultivate the good will of the Protestant minority. He resigned office at the end of his three years' term, in Dec. 1927. In 1928 he published a volume of memoirs, Letters and Leaders of My Day. See Liam O'Flaherty, Life of Tim Healy (1927). (S. G.)